This white paper comments on the challenges and opportunities facing social entrepreneurship in the Arab world after the Arab Spring, with policy recommendations for the development community. The paper analyzes findings by an online survey conducted by Bayt.com and YouGov Siraj in December 2011-January 2012 and with over 12,000 respondents from across the Arab region.
Judging from some of the titles of recent books on Russia—for example, Richard Sakwa's The Crisis of Russian Democracy, Gulnaz Sharafutdinova's Political Consequences of Crony Capitalism inside Russia, and Tom Remington's The Politics of Inequality in Russia—all is not well 20 years after the collapse of the Soviet Union. Corruption abounds, and state institutions are weak where they should be strong or strong where they should be weak.
Focusing on Iran in 2009 and Egypt in 2011, this paper examines the role of the coercive apparatus in responding to crises triggered by mass anti-regime protest. We argue that the divergent outcomes of the two crises – authoritarian resilience in Iran and regime breakdown in Egypt – can be traced to the regimes’ distinct origins.
Description from Stanford University Press:
The impact of public law depends on how politicians secure control of public organizations, and how these organizations in turn are used to define national security. Governing Security explores this dynamic by investigating the surprising history of two major federal agencies that touch the lives of Americans every day: the Roosevelt-era Federal Security Agency (which became today's Department of Health and Human Services) and the more recently created Department of Homeland Security.
On July 1, over 50 million Mexicans went to the polls to elect the next President of the Republic. The official count showed the Institutional Revolutionary Party (PRI) candidate, Enrique Peña Nieto, as winning with 38.21% of the vote. He was followed by Democratic Revolucionary Party (PRD) candidate Andrés Manuel López Obrador, who received 31.59% of the vote and National Action Party (PAN) candidate Josefina Vázquez Mota with 25.41% of the vote.
“Democracy, Political Parties and Reform: A Review of Public Opinion in Yemen,” by Chris Miller, Hafez al-Bukari and Olga Aymerich provides a rare glimpse into Yemeni public opinion. The survey data presented in the paper paints a picture of a population that is overwhelmingly supportive and enthusiastic about democracy as a mode of governance. At the same time, it highlights a lack of knowledge of basic electoral rights as well as options for institutional change.
Image Politics in the Middle East: The Role of the Visual in Political Struggle (IB Tauris 2012) examines the power struggles among states, other political actors, and citizens in the region that are expressed through visuals, and presented through case studies from Lebanon, Egypt, Syria, Libya, and Iran, with a focus on the role of the image as a political tool in the Arab Spring.
The economic impact of the U. S. financial market meltdown of 2008 has been devastating both in the U. S. and worldwide. One consequence of this crisis is the widening gap between rich and poor. With little end in sight to global economic woes, it has never been more urgent to examine and re-examine the values and ideals that animate policy about the market, the workplace, and formal and informal economic institutions at the level of the nation state and internationally.
Deepening Democracy, a report by the Global Commission on Elections, Democracy and Security, highlights global threats to democratic progress and identifies major challenges to delivering elections with integrity for countries to overcome.
The Global Commission on Elections, Democracy and Security, jointly established in 2010 by International IDEA and the Kofi Annan Foundation, aims to promote and protect the integrity of the electoral process, which is fundamental to achieving a more secure, prosperous and stable world.
The Ta’if Accords, which ended Lebanon’s civil war, called explicitly for the dismantling of political confessionalism through the election of a Chamber of Deputies on “a national, non-confessional basis” and the formation of a Senate representing all of Lebanon’s various sects. Lebanese leaders from across the ideological and confessional spectrum have declared their support for this idea, and it is routinely raised whenever questions of institutional reform and “de-confessionalism” are discussed.
In this article, Oliver Roy argues that in order to grasp what is happening in the Middle East, a number of deep-rooted prejudices must be set aside. First among them is the assumption that democracy presupposes secularization; the democratization movement in the Arab world came precisely after thirty years of what has been called the “return of the sacred,” an obvious process of re-Islamization of everyday life, coupled with the rise of Islamist parties. The second is the idea that a democrat must also, by definition, be a liberal.
There is consensus that even while human trafficking is increasingly the subject of international, national and local attention by treaty making bodies, legislatures and law enforcement agencies, the results of these formal mechanisms have been patchy at best and meager at worst. There is less consensus on how to tackle the push/pull dynamics of trafficking, and even less agreement on the best ways to intervene in the deep structural determinants of poverty, patriarchy, and poor or apathetic governance.
This book originated in a conference on "Liberation Technology in Authoritarian Regimes" held at Stanford University in Oct. 2010.
The revolutions sweeping the Middle East provide dramatic evidence of the role that technology plays in mobilizing citizen protest and upending seemingly invulnerable authoritarian regimes. A grainy cell phone video of a Tunisian street vendor’s self-immolation helped spark the massive protests that toppled longtime ruler Zine El Abidine Ben Ali, and Egypt’s "Facebook revolution" forced the ruling regime out of power and into exile.
The central problem in human trafficking since the first global efforts to abolish the slave trade in the late eighteenth century is the persistence of demand for unfree women, children, and men. Women and children have increasingly composed the largest share of trafficked people. Women and children can be forced into a wide range of work—from sex work and domestic labor to farm work and low skilled manufacturing—where their labor and their bodies are exploited by their owners and their clients.
Some twelve years after the unveiling of the UN Anti-Trafficking Protocol in 2000, most European countries have sound anti-trafficking legislation. Worldwide, while many countries amend their legislation and policies, they follow practice developed, applied and tested in Western Europe. Some of these practices consider national and international coordination and cooperation for an effective anti-trafficking policy.
South Africa’s international obligation to combat human trafficking in terms of the Protocol to Prevent, Suppress and Punish Trafficking in Persons, Especially Women and Children (Palermo Protocol) requires the promulgation of comprehensive counter-trafficking legislation. The present counter-trafficking legislative response is fragmented. Transitional anti-trafficking provisions are included in the Children’s Act, which criminalises all types of child trafficking, and in the Sexual Offences Amendment Act, which criminalises sex trafficking.
In an article for Foreign Policy, Karl Eikenberry makes the case for the United States to invigorate its relations with Taiwan and outlines the work needed to make this a reality and stabilize security in the Asia-Pacific region.