Governance

FSI's research on the origins, character and consequences of government institutions spans continents and academic disciplines. The institute’s senior fellows and their colleagues across Stanford examine the principles of public administration and implementation. Their work focuses on how maternal health care is delivered in rural China, how public action can create wealth and eliminate poverty, and why U.S. immigration reform keeps stalling. 

FSI’s work includes comparative studies of how institutions help resolve policy and societal issues. Scholars aim to clearly define and make sense of the rule of law, examining how it is invoked and applied around the world. 

FSI researchers also investigate government services – trying to understand and measure how they work, whom they serve and how good they are. They assess energy services aimed at helping the poorest people around the world and explore public opinion on torture policies. The Children in Crisis project addresses how child health interventions interact with political reform. Specific research on governance, organizations and security capitalizes on FSI's longstanding interests and looks at how governance and organizational issues affect a nation’s ability to address security and international cooperation.

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Mary-Therese Heintzkill
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Senior leaders from the International Finance Corporation (IFC) and government officials gathered at Stanford University from August 24 to 28, 2026, for the IFC-Stanford Leadership Academy for Development Senior Level Training on Public-Private Partnerships (PPP) and Public Policy for Infrastructure. Infrastructure is a governance outcome that can bolster the legitimacy of new democracies, contribute to economic growth, and provide citizens with public goods. The five-day program was jointly organized by IFC, a member of the World Bank Group, and the Leadership Academy for Development (LAD) at Stanford's Center on Democracy, Development and the Rule of Law (CDDRL). 

Drawing on nearly two decades of work with international partner organizations, LAD worked with IFC to tailor lectures and case studies to the program's learning objectives. Participants examined PPP structuring and procurement, project finance, stakeholder engagement, regulatory and political risk, project assessment and safeguards, public institution reform, and bilateral and multilateral development finance.

The cohort was taught by Stanford scholars Francis Fukuyama, Olivier Nomellini Senior Fellow at the Freeman Spogli Institute for International Studies, director of the Ford Dorsey Master's in International Policy, and professor by courtesy of political science, and Michael Bennon. Prof. Fukuyama opened the first session with his Problem-Solving Framework, a method for identifying a policy problem, mapping stakeholder interests and relationships, and moving from analysis to implementation.

I found the decision-making framework very helpful for approaching problems and highlighting the often-overlooked role of stakeholders in the PPP process.
2026 Program Participant

Bennon is a research scholar at CDDRL and program manager of its Global Infrastructure Policy Research Initiative. He also teaches Global Project Finance to Stanford graduate students. He led sessions on public-private partnerships, infrastructure regulation, project assessment and safeguards, corruption, and energy-sector reform, linking research on infrastructure governance and finance to the choices practitioners face when developing and overseeing projects.

Participants applied these concepts to real-world infrastructure cases from Indonesia, Uganda, Canada, Brazil, Uzbekistan, and Ecuador, taking the roles of public officials and investors to work through contested procurements, project turnarounds, public pushback, and corruption. Rather than a single correct answer, each case asked participants to weigh political constraints, institutional capacity, and the competing interests of governments, financiers, private partners, and local communities.

Group work is a hallmark of LAD training. Each day, teams set aside time to work through a real-world PPP or infrastructure problem brought by program participants, using the week's lessons to build an implementation plan. Teams presented their recommendations to faculty and peers on the final day.

The tools I have learned, especially the problem-solving tool, will be useful. The network with the global team is an added advantage.
2026 Program Participant
IFC-Stanford group photo
IFC-Stanford course participants pose on campus. | Farangiz Murodiy

Participants said they expect to apply what they learned through the LAD program to their everyday work, and many pointed to the range of experience in the room as a resource in itself. One participant described the week as providing both practical frameworks and a network of professionals facing similar challenges. Another, reflecting on two decades in infrastructure finance, said the course served as a reminder of how much there is still left to learn.

The IFC-Stanford cohort now joins LAD's global community of nearly 2,700 alumni from 116 countries. Across 88 workshops organized with 31 institutional partners, LAD has built a network of government officials, international development specialists, and private-sector leaders who continue to learn from one another as they design policy and carry out reforms. That network gives this cohort a source of experience and advice as they apply the week's lessons to infrastructure decisions in their own institutions and countries.

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Launching viaduct bridge in progress for Pune metro rail project in Pune city, Maharashtra, India.
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CDDRL’s Leadership Academy for Development Announces New Public-Private Partnerships Program with the International Finance Corporation

The Center on Democracy, Development and the Rule of Law’s (CDDRL) Leadership Academy for Development (LAD) is embarking on a new partnership with the International Finance Corporation to educate senior leaders on infrastructure policy, governance, and public-private partnerships.
CDDRL’s Leadership Academy for Development Announces New Public-Private Partnerships Program with the International Finance Corporation
Solving Public Policy Problems
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Reimagining Public Policy Education at Stanford and Beyond

The Center on Democracy, Development and the Rule of Law is proud to announce the launch of a new free massive open online course aimed at providing participants with a foundational knowledge of the best means for enacting effective policy change in their home countries.
Reimagining Public Policy Education at Stanford and Beyond
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Michael Bennon addressing participants during the August 2026 LAD course titled “Public-Private Partnerships and Public Policy for Infrastructure.”
Michael Bennon addressing participants during the August 2026 LAD course titled “Public-Private Partnerships and Public Policy for Infrastructure.” | Mary-Therese Heintzkill
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Senior IFC leaders and government officials came together for five days of practical learning focused on the decisions that shape public-private infrastructure projects.

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  • CDDRL's Leadership Academy for Development (LAD) and the International Finance Corporation (IFC) hosted senior infrastructure leaders and officials at Stanford, August 24–28, 2026, for training on Public-Private Partnerships (PPP).
  • Stanford scholars Francis Fukuyama and Michael Bennon led sessions applying research to real-world infrastructure finance and governance decisions.
  • The cohort joins LAD's global network of nearly 2,700 alumni, extending the program's reach across 116 countries.
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The long-term electoral viability of rebel parties depends, in part, on acceptance of them as legitimate political actors. Yet civilians often punish perpetrators of past violence at the ballot box and conflict generates long-term antipathies that can impede democratic integration of former rebels. This paper offers a theoretical conceptualization of rebel party stigmatization and uses an experimental approach in Colombia, informed by interviews on the ground, to clarify the conditions under which stigmatization can be a relevant barrier for rebel parties. First, in semi-structured interviews, rebel party leaders and members uniformly claim that civilian stigmatization of the party is pervasive. Second, we design an endorsement experiment to measure rebel party stigmatization, whether the penalty is distinct from assessments based on ideology or platform, and for whom stigma is strongest. Civilians penalize policies and statements endorsed by the rebel party even when compared to endorsement by ideologically similar parties, indicative of stigmatization. Such rebel party stigmatization is especially strong among two types of citizens. First, citizens who otherwise share a similar ideology with the rebel party but rejected violence are the most stigmatizing, due to a political victimization effect. Second, citizens who did not live in communities with substantial FARC governance and presence are more stigmatizing—those who lived in rebelocracies do not penalize rebel parties but also do not support them strongly.

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Journal of Peace Research
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María Ignacia Curiel
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xjag057
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Three Authors Discuss Egypt’s Security State, Media, and Judiciary

The Simon Fraser University School for International Studies, the Centre for Comparative Muslim Studies at SFU, and the Program on Arab Reform and Development at Stanford's Center on Democracy, Development and the Rule of Law invite you to a talk by Hossam El-Hamalawy, Maher Hamoud, and Waleed Salem, in discussion with Hesham Sallam.

In-Person: SFU Harbour Centre, room 2270 (Simon Fraser University, Vancouver, BC)
Online: Via Zoom

ABOUT THE SPEAKERS

Hossam el-Hamalawy is an Egyptian journalist and scholar-activist based in Germany. His work focuses on Egypt’s military, security services, political economy, and counterrevolution. He publishes State & Barracks, a weekly newsletter examining the nexus of military power, money, and the state in Egypt. It features reporting, analysis, and military history, usually published twice a week.

Maher Hamoud is a lecturer and researcher in Political Economy of Development. He received his PhD in Political Sciences at Ghent University in 2017, Department of Conflict and Development Studies, where he also held a postdoctoral position until January 2022. He received his MA in Economic Development at the American University in Cairo in 2009. He was also the editor-in-chief of the Cairo-based Daily News Egypt. Within the domain of political economy of development, his current research focuses on the intersectionality between development politics, value chains, industrialisation, and international trade with and within the Global South.

Waleed Salem is an Egyptian scholar and journalist. He writes about authoritarian politics, comparative judicial politics, and the politics of the Arab Gulf states. Waleed earned his PhD in political science from the University of Washington with a dissertation entitled "Seeing Like a Court: Judicial Agency in Autocratic Regimes and Transition Politics – The Case of Egypt." His previous research affiliations, alongside the University of Washington, include the International Relations Department at the Central European University in Vienna, the Political Science Department at the American University in Cairo, and the Centre d'études et de documentation économiques, juridiques et sociales (CEDEJ), also in Cairo. His journalistic work appeared in Nature magazine, The New Atlantis, New Lines Magazine, and Al Jazeera, among others.

ABOUT THE DISCUSSANT

Hesham Sallam is a Senior Research Scholar at CDDRL, where he serves as Associate Director for Research. He is also Associate Director of the Program on Arab Reform and Development. Sallam is co-editor of Jadaliyya ezine and a former program specialist at the U.S. Institute of Peace. His research focuses on political and social development in the Arab World. Sallam’s research has previously received the support of the Social Science Research Council and the U.S. Institute of Peace. He is author of Classless Politics: Islamist Movements, the Left, and Authoritarian Legacies in Egypt (Columbia University Press, 2022), co-editor of Struggles for Political Change in the Arab World (University of Michigan Press, 2022), and editor of Egypt's Parliamentary Elections 2011-2012: A Critical Guide to a Changing Political Arena (Tadween Publishing, 2013). Sallam received a Ph.D. in Government (2015) and an M.A. in Arab Studies (2006) from Georgetown University, and a B.A. in Political Science from the University of Pittsburgh (2003).

Hesham Sallam
Hesham Sallam

Online via Zoom

Hossam el-Hamalawy
Maher Hamoud
Waleed Salem
Panel Discussions
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Mikhail Fishman Book Talk 11.17.26

When did Russia lose its chance of freedom? 1990: As a new openness sweeps Russia, a talented young physicist, Boris Nemtsov, begins his career in politics. Charismatic, confident, liberal and vehemently opposed to corruption, he swiftly rises to prominence. For the first time, another future seems possible. 2015: Putin holds the country in the grip of tyranny once more. Nemtsov, now his fiercest and most unrelenting opponent, is assassinated on a Moscow bridge. This is the story of how a nation's dreams of democracy died. Drawing on buried archives and off-the-record interviews, exiled journalist Mikhail Fishman gives a gripping insider account of the tragedy of modern Russia, told through many lives of Boris Nemtsov — activist, playboy, leader-in-waiting, dissident and, finally, victim. From the economic reforms under Boris Yeltsin to Vladimir Putin's oligarchy, through two wars in Chechnya and the invasion of Ukraine, this is the story of a man fired by the belief that Russia could, still, have another future.

SPEAKERS

Mikhail Fishman is one of Russia’s leading political journalists. Active since the late 1990s, he has chronicled Russia’s dramatic political life. He served as editor-in-chief of Russian Newsweek and The Moscow Times, as well as hosting the Friday night news round-up at independent news network TV Rain. In 2017, Fishman and Vera Krichevskaya released The Man Who Was Too Free, a documentary feature on Boris Nemtsov. It was the highest-grossing documentary in Russia in at least a decade and laid the groundwork for this book, which was an instant bestseller on Russian publication in 2022. Fishman faced increasing intimidation and suppression from the state; when Putin launched the invasion of Ukraine in 2022, he left for Amsterdam, where he now lives in exile with his family.

Kathryn Stoner is the Mosbacher Director of the Center on Democracy, Development and the Rule of Law (CDDRL) and the Satre Family Senior Fellow at the Freeman Spogli Institute for International Studies (FSI). From 2017 to 2021, she served as FSI's Deputy Director. She is Professor of Political Science (by courtesy) at Stanford and teaches in the Department of Political Science, the Program on International Relations, and the Ford Dorsey Master's in International Policy Program. She is also a Senior Fellow (by courtesy) at the Hoover Institution.

Kathryn Stoner
Kathryn Stoner

Only those with an active Stanford ID with access to Reuben Hills Conference Room in Encina Hall, East, may attend in person.

Mikhail Fishman Presenter
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What defines Israel Studies as an academic discipline today, and where might the field be heading in view of the profound changes shaping Israel, diaspora Jewry, and Israel's international standing? How has the aftermath of October 7 impacted academic research and university teaching about modern Israel in American academia? Join Amichai Magen and Ori Rabinowitz in conversation with Professor Donna Robinson Divine, former President of the Association for Israel Studies (2017-2019), and Dr. Asaf Romirowsky, executive director of Scholars for Peace in the Middle East.

ABOUT THE SPEAKERS

Donna Robinson Divine is the Morningstar Family Professor of Jewish Studies and Professor of Government, Emerita at Smith College, where she taught a variety of courses on Middle East Politics. Her writing includes Women Living Change:  Cross-Cultural Perspectives; essays from the Smith College Research Project on Women and Social Change; Politics and Society in Ottoman Palestine: The Arab Struggle for Survival and Power; Postcolonial Theory and The Arab-Israeli Conflict; Exiled in the Homeland: Zionism and the Return to Mandate Palestine; Word Crimes: Reclaiming the Language of the Israel-Palestinian Conflict; and October 7: The Wars Over Words and Deeds. Named the Katharine Asher Engel lecturer at Smith College for the 2012-2013 academic year in recognition of her scholarly achievements, she was also designated as Smith's Honored Professor for the excellence of her teaching. She was president of the Association for Israel Studies from 2017-2019, is an affiliate professor at Israel's University of Haifa, and was named to Algemeiner’s 2019 list of the top 100 people “positively influencing Jewish life."

Asaf Romirowsky, PhD, is the Executive Director of Scholars for Peace in the Middle East (SPME) and the Association for the Study of the Middle East and Africa (ASMEA). Romirowsky is also a senior nonresident research fellow at the Begin-Sadat Center for Strategic Studies (BESA)  and a Professor [Affiliate] at the University of Haifa. Trained as a Middle East historian, he holds a PhD in Middle East and Mediterranean Studies from King's College London, UK, and has published widely on various aspects of the Arab-Israeli conflict and American foreign policy in the Middle East, as well as on Israeli and Zionist history. Romirowsky is co-author of Religion, Politics, and the Origins of Palestine Refugee Relief and a contributor to The Case Against Academic Boycotts of Israel. His latest book is entitled, October 7: The Wars Over Words and Deeds. Romirowsky’s publicly-engaged scholarship has been featured in The Wall Street Journal, The National Interest, The American Interest, The New Republic, The Times of Israel, Jerusalem Post, Ynet, and Tablet, among other online and print media outlets.

Virtual Event Only.

Amichai Magen
Amichai Magen
Or (Ori) Rabinowitz
Or (Ori) Rabinowitz

Virtual Only Event.

Donna Divine
Asaf Romirowsky
Seminars

Wednesday, November 18. Click for details and registration.

Israel Studies
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Six days before Israelis head to the polls—for what is perhaps the most dramatic and consequential national election in the country's history—what do the latest public opinion surveys tell us about the contending parties and possible outcomes of the elections? Is the Netanyahu bloc likely to win or lose the elections, or are we heading towards a possible stalemate or some new political constellation in Israel? Join Amichai Magen and Ori Rabinowitz for a conversation about the upcoming elections with expert public opinion researcher and political strategist Dr. Dahlia Scheindlin. 

ABOUT THE SPEAKER

Dr. Dahlia Scheindlin is a political strategist and public opinion researcher who has advised on nine electoral campaigns in Israel and worked in 15 other countries over 25 years. She is a columnist at Haaretz newspaper and a policy fellow at Century International. Dahlia conducts public opinion research for civil society organizations, including joint Israeli-Palestinian surveys. She holds a PhD in political science from Tel Aviv University, and her writing has appeared in The New York Times, Financial Times, The Guardian, Foreign Affairs, and Foreign Policy, among other publications. She is the author of The Crooked Timber of Democracy in Israel: Promise Unfulfilled (2023), and in 2025, she was a Distinguished Middle East fellow at the University of Pennsylvania.

Virtual Event Only.

Amichai Magen
Amichai Magen
Or (Ori) Rabinowitz
Or (Ori) Rabinowitz

Virtual Only Event.

Dahlia Scheindlin
Seminars

Wednesday, October 21. Click for details and registration.

Israel Studies
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Three years after the October 7, 2023, invasion and massacre, the questions and consequences surrounding the worst security failure in Israel's modern history continue to reverberate. With no National Commission of Inquiry established by the Netanyahu government to investigate how Israel was caught off-guard and no definite end to the multi-front war that followed the Hamas attack (in Gaza, Lebanon, Iran, and Yemen), how can we make sense of October 7 and its aftermath? Join Amichai Magen and Or Rabinowitz in conversation with Amos Harel as, three years on, they seek to understand the causes and consequences of the day that forever changed Israel, the Middle East, and the world.

ABOUT THE SPEAKER

Amos Harel is one of Israel's most accomplished and respected journalists and authors in military and defense affairs. As the military correspondent and then senior defense analyst for Haaretz for nearly three decades, Harel has covered Israeli security and published four books including, most recently, 06:29 - Anatomy of a Failure (published in Hebrew in May 2026), which examines the intelligence misses, military responses, and political context surrounding the October 7, 2023, Hamas terror attacks. Previously, he coauthored, with journalist and screenwriter Avi Issacharoff, The Seventh War (2004), about the second Intifada, and 34 Days (2008), about Israel's second Lebanon War. Both books received the Chechic Award, given annually by the Institute for National Security Studies (INSS) in Tel-Aviv. Harel's The New Face of the IDF, was published in Hebrew in 2013. In 2015, Amos Harel won the Sokolov Award, Israel's most prestigious prize for excellence in journalism.

Virtual Event Only.

Amichai Magen
Amichai Magen
Or (Ori) Rabinowitz
Or (Ori) Rabinowitz

Virtual Only Event.

Amos Harel
Seminars

Wednesday, October 7. Click for details and registration.

Israel Studies
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Protest & Politics in Turkey in the 70s

Protest and Politics in Turkey in the 1970s: Echoes of Dissent offers the first comprehensive academic study of Turkey’s protest cycle during the 1970s. Drawing on an original dataset, the book examines the interaction between collective action and state repression, tracing the development of leftist, nationalist, and Islamist movements throughout the decade. The book also analyzes how the 1980 military coup suppressed organized political activity and reshaped the political arena, contributing to the subsequent rise of political Islam and the country’s broader rightward shift. By connecting the political struggles of the 1970s to contemporary debates over authoritarianism, democracy, and protest, the study contributes to scholarship on social movements, repression, and political change.

This event is co-sponsored by CDDRL's Program on Turkey and the Abbasi Program in Islamic Studies.

Speakers

 Bengi Gümrükçü

Selin Bengi Gümrükçü

Assistant Teaching Professor at Rugers University

Selin Bengi Gümrükçü teaches political science at Rutgers University. She received her PhD from the University of Zurich. She previously taught at İzmir University of Economics and held visiting positions at Bielefeld University, Sciences Po, Paris 8, and the European University Institute. Her research focuses on social movements, political parties, the far right, political violence, and Europeanization, with an emphasis on Turkey. Her first book, Protest and Politics in Turkey in the 1970s: Echoes of Dissent, was published by Routledge in 2026.

In-person: Encina Commons 123 (615 Crothers Way, Stanford)
Online: Via Zoom

This event is open to the public. Registration is required.

Selin Bengi Gümrükçü
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Nora Sulots
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The Center on Democracy, Development and the Rule of Law (CDDRL) is pleased to announce that Michele Gelfand, the John H. Scully Professor in Cross-Cultural Management and Professor of Organizational Behavior at Stanford's Graduate School of Business, Professor of Psychology (by courtesy), and affiliated faculty at CDDRL, has been elected an International Fellow of the British Academy.

The British Academy is the UK's national academy for the humanities and social sciences. This year, 92 scholars were elected to its Fellowship, coming from 28 universities across the UK along with 32 International Fellows and two Honorary Fellows. Gelfand was elected within the Academy's Psychology section. She joins a broader fellowship community of more than 1,800 scholars, whose expertise spans disciplines from economics to philosophy and archaeology.

Gelfand is one of three scholars with Stanford ties elected this year, alongside Professor Alfredo J. Artiles, Lee L. Jack Professor of Education at Stanford University, and Dr. Mary Louise Pratt, Silver Professor Emerita at New York University and Olive H. Palmer Professor of Humanities, Emerita, at Stanford.

Gelfand uses field, experimental, computational, and neuroscience methods to study the evolution of culture and its consequences for human groups, examining how negotiation, conflict, trust, revenge, and forgiveness play out differently across societies. She has published over 200 scientific articles and chapters, including in SciencePNAS, and Nature Human Behaviour, and her work has been featured in The Guardian, the New York Times, the Boston GlobeThe EconomistNBC News, and NPR, among other outlets.

Gelfand's election to the British Academy adds to a growing list of honors recognizing her contributions to cross-cultural psychology. She is a member of the Council on Foreign Relations (2023) and of the U.S. National Academy of Sciences (2021), as well as a fellow of the American Academy of Arts and Sciences (2019). She is also past president of the International Association for Conflict Management, past division chair of the Conflict Management Division of the Academy of Management, and past treasurer of the International Association for Cross-Cultural Psychology.

She is the author of Rule Makers, Rule Breakers: How Tight and Loose Cultures Wire the World (Scribner, 2018) and co-editor of the following books: Values, Political Action, and Change in the Middle East and the Arab Spring (Oxford University Press, 2017); The Handbook of Conflict and Conflict Management (Taylor & Francis, 2013); and The Handbook of Negotiation and Culture (2004, Stanford University Press). Additionally, she is the founding co-editor of the Advances in Culture and Psychology annual series and the Frontiers of Culture and Psychology series (Oxford University Press).

Gelfand's election as a Fellow reflects the international reach of her scholarship and underscores the role her work plays in advancing cross-cultural understanding on a global stage. British Academy President Susan J. Smith said that amid technological, economic, and environmental upheaval, "the humanities and social sciences have never been more important" — a claim Gelfand's own research helps bear out.

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Simulating Gossip as a Means of Conveying Information and Boosting Cooperation

CDDRL Research-in-Brief [4-minute read]
Simulating Gossip as a Means of Conveying Information and Boosting Cooperation
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Making Sense of the Invisible Rules That Shape Our Lives

Culture is all around us — but we take it for granted, says Michele Gelfand, a professor of organizational behavior at Stanford Graduate School of Business and an affiliated faculty member at CDDRL.
Making Sense of the Invisible Rules That Shape Our Lives
Michele Gelfand elected to Council on Foreign Relations
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Michele Gelfand Elected as New Member of the Council on Foreign Relations

The Council on Foreign Relations (CFR) is a nonpartisan think tank that provides information and analysis on international affairs and U.S. foreign policy.
Michele Gelfand Elected as New Member of the Council on Foreign Relations
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Michele Gelfand Elected International Fellow of the British Academy
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Gelfand is among three Stanford scholars elected to the British Academy in recognition of their achievements in the humanities and social sciences.

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  • Stanford professor Michele Gelfand, along with two other Stanford scholars, was elected to the British Academy this year.
  • Gelfand studies how culture evolves and shapes conflict, trust, and cooperation across nations and organizations worldwide.
  • The honor adds to Gelfand's growing recognition, following her elections to the National Academy of Sciences and Council on Foreign Relations.
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Introduction and Contribution


Nearly half of the world (46%) lives in authoritarian regimes that hold regular elections — compared to 28% who live in autocracies without elections and 26% who live under democracy. In these “electoral autocracies,” the ruling party can theoretically lose power, but its ability to repress and co-opt its opponents makes defeat unlikely. Incumbent executives and parties in electoral autocracies have become increasingly sophisticated in their repressive techniques and increasingly connected to other regimes that share similar fears of democracy. “How can electoral authoritarianism be resisted?” is thus a pressing question for domestic opposition parties and civil society organizations (CSOs) as well as international actors seeking to promote democracy, including governments, nonprofits, think tanks, and academics. 

In “Opposition strategies and electoral challenges under autocracy,” Oren Samet analyzes five strategies opposition parties use to fight electoral authoritarianism during campaigns, on election day, and after polls have closed. These are: joining multiparty coalitions, strengthening their party organization, mobilizing mass protests, boycotting elections, and seeking international assistance. Samet shows that each strategy entails tradeoffs, increasing opposition competitiveness while making authoritarian repression more likely or efficient. For example, joining a multiparty coalition can both increase the incumbent’s likelihood of defeat and increase his propensity to repress — insofar as he perceives the opposition as popular and threatening.

Samet shows that each strategy entails tradeoffs, increasing opposition competitiveness while making authoritarian repression more likely or efficient.

Samet offers several prescriptions for international democracy promoters. First, they must collaborate with domestic opposition parties, because only they — and not CSOs — can win elections. Yet many international actors avoid this approach; for instance, some opposition parties may care more about power than democracy, or collaborating with them may invite criticism that democracy promotion is partisan. While these risks cannot be ignored, neither can political parties.

A second prescription follows from the fact that oppositions have at least five tools at their disposal: there can be no single “best practice” in democracy promotion; it requires flexibility, adaptability, and an integrated approach. Finally, because autocrats continue to become more sophisticated, democracy promoters must take steps to prepare for the repression of their partners. 

Five Approaches and Their Pitfalls


Otherwise effective strategies for winning democratic elections — such as running savvy campaigns on primetime television that are informed by public opinion polling — will not work for opposition parties under electoral autocracy. This is because the system is structurally biased toward incumbents. As such, one common approach has been for individual opposition parties to join together in a coalition: sharing policy platforms, endorsing joint candidates, and merging their party organizations. And indeed, multiparty coalitions are statistically associated with higher vote shares and a higher likelihood that autocrats are defeated. At the same time, however, such coalitions are difficult to form and sustain due to ideological differences and polarization. In especially repressive electoral autocracies, such as Ethiopia or Cambodia, incumbent parties are often able to neutralize or eliminate coalitions. Finally, when coalitions pose a serious challenge on election day but without winning, autocrats may repress even harder.

A second strategy involves strengthening party organization, for example, by improving its geographic reach or recruiting more professional candidates. These efforts can increase competitiveness and popular appeal, but they risk providing the incumbent with a large amount of information that he can use to more efficiently target his opponents. This includes formal lists of members, candidates, and party branch locations. Meanwhile, more organized opposition parties may inadvertently legitimize the system by affording it some semblance of democracy.

Encouraging mass protests is a third strategy available to opposition parties. As the number of protesters grows, authoritarian repression becomes more costly and more likely to backfire, while the incumbent’s allies become more likely to defect and join the opposition. Parties help with this process by translating protester demands into coherent party platforms. However, and especially after the 2010-12 Arab Uprisings, electoral authoritarian regimes have become highly sensitive to and ready to combat protests. This may be accomplished via surveillance or assistance from powerful third parties such as China or Russia.

A fourth, common strategy has been for parties to boycott the autocrat’s electoral facade. Doing so signals to the international community that the playing field is skewed and the system illegitimate. Yet boycotts can lead to missed opportunities for the opposition to build electoral strength, influence policy change as legislative minorities, or monitor the autocrat from inside government. In addition, they rob oppositions of the chance to take advantage of the autocrat’s miscalculations, which may even lead to his defeat. 

Finally, opposition parties can reach out to international actors for support. This may involve requesting that they sanction the regime or intervene in the name of democracy. International pressure can indeed encourage political openings and is especially useful for oppositions with low visibility. However, autocrats are adept at demonizing those who use this strategy as agents of malign foreign influence. These appeals can strengthen the autocrat’s domestic support base among those who see him as protecting the nation. In all, these tradeoffs suggest that effective democracy promotion requires a deep understanding of the political context in which oppositions operate.

*Brief prepared by Adam Fefer.

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Sandra Seitamaa
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CDDRL Research-in-Brief [3.5-minute read]

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