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Filter results CloseWelcome back to Stanford! Our quarterly newsletter has taken on this new two-page format which we hope you will enjoy. This issue gives you a brief look at the year ahead as well as describing key aspects of our inaugural 2009-2010 events and activities.
Clientelist parties (or political machines) engage in a variety of strategies during elections. Most studies focus exclusively on "vote buying," a strategy that rewards opposing voters for switching their vote choices. Yet in many countries, machines also adopt other strategies, such as activating their passive constituencies through "turnout buying." What factors explain variation in patterns of clientelism during elections? We develop an analytical framework and formal model that emphasize the role of individual and contextual factors.
An Abstract
All too frequently, students of democracy and democratization view the politics they analyze exclusively through the prism of constitutions, elections, and political actors. In the case of the Middle East, this involves worn out questions of religious fundamentalism, neo-colonialism, entrenched autocracy, the politics of oil and Israel, etc. While all of these are indeed relevant to understanding the perseverance of authoritarian political structures, it is equally crucial to understand the dynamics of culture, and the ways in which forms of cultural
This paper put forward a theoretical explanation of when and to what degree external actors matter in democratization.
Throughout its history, Pakistan has deliberately used non-state actors as a strategy of asymmetric warfare against stronger adversaries such as India and the Soviet Union. Islamist militants were armed and trained by elements of the Pakistani military and intelligence services, and funded by a sophisticated international financial network. This enabled Pakistan to attrite Indian and Soviet resources via proxy, without having to face either country in a direct conflict.
(excerpt) During democratization’s “third wave,” democracy ceased being a mostly Western phenomenon and “went global.” When the third wave began in 1974, the world had only about 40 democracies, and only a few of them lay outside the West. By the time the Journal of Democracy be- gan publishing in 1990, there were 76 electoral democracies (accounting for slightly less than half the world’s independent states). By 1995, that number had shot up to 117—three in every five states.
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