International Development

FSI researchers consider international development from a variety of angles. They analyze ideas such as how public action and good governance are cornerstones of economic prosperity in Mexico and how investments in high school education will improve China’s economy.

They are looking at novel technological interventions to improve rural livelihoods, like the development implications of solar power-generated crop growing in Northern Benin.

FSI academics also assess which political processes yield better access to public services, particularly in developing countries. With a focus on health care, researchers have studied the political incentives to embrace UNICEF’s child survival efforts and how a well-run anti-alcohol policy in Russia affected mortality rates.

FSI’s work on international development also includes training the next generation of leaders through pre- and post-doctoral fellowships as well as the Draper Hills Summer Fellows Program.

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Please note: the start time for this event has been moved from 3:00 to 3:15pm.

Join FSI Director Michael McFaul in conversation with Richard Stengel, Under Secretary of State for Public Diplomacy and Public Affairs. They will address the role of entrepreneurship in creating stable, prosperous societies around the world.

Richard Stengel Undersecretary of State for Public Diplomacy and Public Affairs Special Guest United States Department of State

Encina Hall
616 Jane Stanford Way
Stanford, CA 94305-6055

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Senior Fellow, Freeman Spogli Institute for International Studies
Ken Olivier and Angela Nomellini Professor of International Studies, Department of Political Science
Peter and Helen Bing Senior Fellow, Hoover Institution
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Michael McFaul is the Ken Olivier and Angela Nomellini Professor of International Studies in Political Science, Senior Fellow at the Freeman Spogli Institute for International Studies, and the Peter and Helen Bing Senior Fellow at the Hoover Institution, all at Stanford University. He joined the Stanford faculty in 1995 and served as FSI Director from 2015 to 2025. He is also an international affairs analyst for MSNOW.

McFaul served for five years in the Obama administration, first as Special Assistant to the President and Senior Director for Russian and Eurasian Affairs at the National Security Council at the White House (2009-2012), and then as U.S. Ambassador to the Russian Federation (2012-2014).

McFaul has authored ten books and edited several others, including, most recently, Autocrats vs. Democrats: China, Russia, America, and the New Global Disorder, as well as From Cold War to Hot Peace: An American Ambassador in Putin’s Russia, (a New York Times bestseller) Advancing Democracy Abroad: Why We Should, How We Can; and Russia’s Unfinished Revolution: Political Change from Gorbachev to Putin.

He is a recipient of numerous awards, including an honorary PhD from Montana State University; the Order for Merits to Lithuania from President Gitanas Nausėda of Lithuania; Order of Merit of Third Degree from President Volodymyr Zelenskyy of Ukraine, and the Dean’s Award for Distinguished Teaching at Stanford University. In 2015, he was the Distinguished Mingde Faculty Fellow at the Stanford Center at Peking University.

McFaul was born and raised in Montana. He received his B.A. in International Relations and Slavic Languages and his M.A. in Soviet and East European Studies from Stanford University in 1986. As a Rhodes Scholar, he completed his D. Phil. in International Relations at Oxford University in 1991. 

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A lab experiment in Côte d’Ivoire finds that making applications for cash support public reduced unsuccessful claims but also deterred more than one in four eligible participants.

A government can fund a social programme and define who qualifies. But will eligible people come forward if applying exposes their financial hardship? In many settings, applications are made in person and are difficult to keep private. This visibility may create a hidden barrier to social protection.

Several factors may prevent eligible people from claiming support. Applications can be costly, time-consuming, and difficult to understand, and may require documents people do not have (Bhargava and Manoli 2015, Finkelstein and Notowidigdo 2021). In low-income settings, recipients may also face pressure to share benefits with relatives and friends (Baland et al. 2011, Platteau 2014).

A third possibility is psychological: being seen asking for help may threaten applicants’ self-worth or expose them to anticipated judgement – a concern often discussed under the broader heading of welfare stigma. Most evidence on this psychological cost comes from high-income countries (Lasky-Fink and Linos 2022).

In Fafchamps and Sadou Zouleya (2026), we ask whether making the application itself observable deters demand for income support among low-income populations. In our experiment, the public procedure screened out 28% of participants who would otherwise have received the transfer.

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The Rise and Fall of Tunisian Democracy: Populism, Polarization, and the Perils of Power-Sharing

After the Arab Spring, Tunisia emerged as the one success story to transition to democracy, winning a Nobel Peace Prize in 2015 for its focus on inclusion and power-sharing. How, then, did its democracy collapse in 2021?

Drawing on unique interviews with senior Tunisian officials, alongside three nationally representative surveys of the population, The Rise and Fall of Tunisian Democracy points to an overemphasis on compromise, consensus, and power-sharing. Although power-sharing institutions can be useful at the start of a transition, the book finds that extending them beyond that point can lead democracy to unravel by frustrating voters and spurring the rise of populists and extremists. The book takes an in-depth look at Tunisia's transition and then explores how far the theory travels through a quantitative analysis of all democratic transitions between 1942–2020. Overall, the book reveals the dark side of power-sharing, broadening our understanding of the causes of populism, polarization, and democratic breakdown.

ABOUT THE SPEAKER

Sharan Grewal (PhD, Princeton 2018) is an Associate Professor of Government at American University and a Nonresident Senior Fellow at the Brookings Institution. His research examines revolutions and democratic transitions, particularly in the Arab world. His first book, Soldiers of Democracy? Military Legacies and the Arab Spring (Oxford University Press, 2023), explores why militaries support or thwart democratic transitions. It received APSA’s Best Book in MENA Politics Award and the Robert Jervis Best International Security Book Award. His second book, The Rise and Fall of Tunisian Democracy: Populism, Polarization, and the Perils of Power-Sharing, is forthcoming with Cambridge University Press in October 2026. His work has also been published in the American Political Science Review, American Journal of Political Science, and British Journal of Political Science, among other journals. His research has received funding from the National Science Foundation, the Henry Luce Foundation, the John Templeton Foundation, the Smith Richardson Foundation, and the Defense Security Cooperation University.

Hesham Sallam
Hesham Sallam

Virtual to Public. If prompted for a password, use: 123456

Only those with an active Stanford ID with access to William J. Perry Conference Room in Encina Hall may attend in person.

Sharan Grewal Associate Professor of Government at American University Presenter American University
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Wednesday, November 4, 4:00-5:15 pm. Click here to register.

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This chapter explores the ways in which the United States and several US-led multilateral institutions have adapted, or struggled to adapt, to China’s Belt and Road Initiative (BRI). The United States has weighed heavily on the transitions that two major multilateral institutions—the World Bank and the International Monetary Fund (IMF)—have made to adapt to the BRI and the rise of bilateral sources of infrastructure financing more generally. The World Bank, once a major financier of developing economy infrastructure, has struggled to reform its safeguards programmes in the wake of the BRI. The IMF has similarly struggled to adapt the programmes that it uses to assist countries in debt crises post-BRI. The United States has also created, or attempted to create, new bilateral or multilateral initiatives in the infrastructure sector to ‘compete’ with the Belt and Road, including the US Development Finance Corporation, the Blue Dot Network, the Partnership for Global Infrastructure, and the India–Middle East–Europe Economic Corridor. This chapter reviews those initiatives and the common challenges that they face in providing developing economy borrowers with an alternative source of infrastructure financing to the BRI.

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Chapter in "De Gruyter Handbook of Cities, Infrastructure and International Relations," edited by Michele Acuto, Simon Curtis, Ian Klaus, and Gaea Morales

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Michael Bennon
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The Center on Democracy, Development and the Rule of Law is pleased to invite applications from pre-doctoral students at the write-up stage and from post-doctoral scholars working in any of the four program areas of democracy, development, evaluating the efficacy of democracy promotion, and rule of law. The application cycle for the 2027-2028 academic year will be open from Monday, September 21, 2026, through Monday, November 30, 2026.

Our goal is to provide an intellectually dynamic environment that fosters lively exchange among Center members and helps everyone to do excellent scholarship. Fellows will spend the academic year at Stanford University focusing on research and data analysis as they work to finalize and publish their dissertation research while connecting with resident faculty and research staff at CDDRL.

Pre-doctoral fellows must be enrolled currently in a doctoral program or equivalent through the time of intended residency at Stanford and must be at the dissertation write-up (post-coursework) phase of their doctoral program. Post-doctoral fellows must have earned their Ph.D. within 3 years of the start of the fellowship, or plan to have successfully defended their Ph.D. dissertations by July 31, 2027.

In addition to our regular call for applications, CDDRL invites applications for the following fellowships:


Gerhard Casper Fellow in Rule of Law: We welcome research on any aspect of rule of law, including judicial politics, criminal justice, and the politicization of judicial institutions. We are an interdisciplinary center; candidates from any relevant field (i.e., the social sciences, law) are welcome to apply. This is a 9-month, residential fellowship, and the Gerhard Casper Fellow will be part of CDDRL’s larger cohort of pre- and postdoctoral fellows. Please apply through the CDDRL fellowship application process and indicate that you would like to be considered for the Gerhard Casper Rule of Law Fellowship.

Jan Koum Israel Studies Program Fellow: We welcome research on any aspect of modern Israel, including Israeli politics, constitutionalism, economics, society, diplomacy, and international affairs. We are an interdisciplinary center; candidates from any relevant field (i.e., the social sciences and law) are welcome to apply. This is a 9-month, residential fellowship, and the Jan Koum Israel Studies Program Fellow will be part of CDDRL’s larger cohort of pre- and postdoctoral fellows. Please apply through the regular CDDRL fellowship application process and indicate that you would like to be considered for the Jan Koum Israel Studies Program Fellowship.

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Maria Nagawa presents during the 2025 Global Development Postdoctoral Fellows Conference.
Maria Nagawa presents during the 2025 Global Development Postdoctoral Fellows Conference.
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The Center on Democracy, Development and the Rule of Law welcomes applications from pre-doctoral students at the write-up stage and from post-doctoral scholars working in any of the four program areas of democracy, development, evaluating the efficacy of democracy promotion, and rule of law.

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Héctor Fuentes
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El Democracy Action Lab (DAL), una iniciativa del Centro sobre Democracia, Desarrollo y Estado de Derecho de la Universidad de Stanford para defensores de la democracia, se enorgullece en anunciar oficialmente la primera cohorte de The Democracy Garage, el primer programa acelerador de su tipo dedicado a fortalecer a los defensores de la democracia en primera línea en América Latina y el Caribe.

The Democracy Garage nació de una convicción simple pero urgente: la resiliencia democrática no se construye únicamente a través de ideas, sino a través del fortalecimiento de capacidades de la sociedad civil para actuar estratégicamente, usar la evidencia con eficacia, comunicar de manera persuasiva y adaptarse a entornos políticos en rápida evolución. DAL construyó este programa para cerrar una brecha persistente en el apoyo a la democracia, tendiendo un puente entre la investigación de alto nivel y las necesidades operativas en tiempo real de las organizaciones que hacen el trabajo más difícil sobre el terreno.

Durante los próximos meses, DAL trabajará codo a codo con ocho extraordinarias organizaciones en la región, aplicando una metodología estructurada de acelerador para co-desarrollar estrategias adaptadas a los desafíos democráticos específicos de cada país. Este no es un programa de crecimiento tradicional: es una asociación profunda y colaborativa basada en la evidencia, la estrategia y la solidaridad.

Un Modelo Acelerador de Tres Ejes


El modelo acelerador de The Democracy Garage se organiza en torno a tres ejes que se refuerzan mutuamente, diseñados para abordar una brecha clave en el ecosistema de apoyo democrático: muchos programas ofrecen formación de alto nivel desconectada de las necesidades inmediatas, o asistencia técnica a corto plazo que no genera capacidad duradera. The Garage tiende ese puente.

Eje 1  |  Análisis de Evidencia para la Estrategia Democrática  —  Asesoría Práctica

El primer eje proporciona apoyo de asesoría directa, orientada a los problemas. Cada organización  entra al Garage con un desafío concreto y actual. DAL moviliza su capacidad analítica — incluyendo la experiencia de su cuerpo docente, la participación de estudiantes y herramientas de datos — para abordarlo de forma colaborativa. No se trata de asistencia técnica unidireccional: es un proceso conjunto que desarrolla la propia capacidad de las organizaciones para usar la evidencia como herramienta estratégica, transitando de modos reactivos a anticipatorios.

Eje 2  |  Formación y Fortalecimiento de Capacidades  —  Cuatro Áreas Fundamentales

El segundo eje ofrece formación estructurada en cuatro áreas críticas para la acción democrática: (1) Estrategia para la defensa democrática — comprender el estado de la democracia en la región y sus principales desafíos; (2) IA para el activismo — aplicaciones prácticas de la inteligencia artificial para monitoreo, comunicación y toma de decisiones; (3) Evidencia para la defensa democrática — recolección, análisis e interpretación de datos vinculados directamente a las decisiones estratégicas; y (4) Narrativa para el cambio — traducir el análisis complejo en narrativas persuasivas que resuenen con tomadores de decisiones, medios de comunicación y ciudadanos.

Eje 3  |  Construcción de Plataformas para la Defensa Democrática  —  Escalar el Impacto Sistémico

El tercer eje apoya a las organizaciones  para que se conviertan en nodos fundacionales de plataformas nacionales de defensa democrática. El deterioro democrático rara vez se produce de forma aislada: requiere respuestas coordinadas entre la sociedad civil, los medios, la academia y las instituciones. A través del mapeo de actores, la articulación de redes y el desarrollo de mecanismos de coordinación, el Garage contribuye a construir ecosistemas estructurados capaces de acción colectiva. Este eje culmina en el Encuentro Regional de Sinergias en agosto de 2026, donde las organizaciones presentarán su visión de plataforma y sentarán las bases para la coordinación regional.

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Diagram of Democracy Action Lab's Democracy Garage accelerator methodology, showing three mutually reinforcing tracks — Advisory, Training, and Platform Building — leading to a Regional Synergy Meeting and stronger democratic ecosystems.


Metodología de aceleración de DAL (haga clic para ampliar)

Ocho Organizaciones. Tres Países. Una Región.


Tras un riguroso proceso de selección, The Democracy Garage se enorgullece en dar la bienvenida a las siguientes organizaciones participantes:

CESJUL — Centro de Estudios Socio Jurídicos Latinoamericanos (Colombia)  

Trabaja en la intersección del derecho penal, los derechos humanos y la gobernanza democrática, aportando análisis jurídico riguroso a los desafíos más urgentes de la democracia colombiana — incluyendo el uso del derecho tanto como herramienta de represión como vehículo de rendición de cuentas.

Dejusticia (Colombia)

Una de las organizaciones de derechos humanos más respetadas de América Latina — un auténtico think-and-do tank que combina investigación jurídica rigurosa con litigio estratégico, incidencia directa y formación de capacidades en antidiscriminación, justicia transicional y protección del espacio cívico.

Instituto Sou da Paz (Brazil)

Referente en política de seguridad pública en Brasil durante 25 años, influyendo en la legislación nacional sobre regulación de armas y reducción de homicidios mediante un enfoque basado en evidencia que centra a las comunidades más afectadas por la violencia, en particular la población negra brasileña.

Pacto pela Democracia (Brazil)

La principal coalición pro-democracia de Brasil, integrada por más de 200 organizaciones y reconocida internacionalmente como modelo de defensa democrática colectiva. Su protección coordinada de las elecciones de 2022 — más de 80 acciones entre 35 organizaciones — demostró el poder de construir coaliciones antes de que llegue la crisis.

Instituto de Estudios Peruanos (IEP) (Perú)

Una de las instituciones de ciencias sociales más antiguas y distinguidas de América Latina, el IEP ha construido durante seis décadas la base empírica del análisis democrático en el Perú — desde encuestas de opinión pública y estudios electorales hasta investigación interdisciplinaria sobre poder, desigualdad y el Estado.

Recambio (Perú)

En un país que ha tenido ocho presidentes en una década, Recambio reconstruye la cultura democrática desde dentro del sistema político — con una red de más de 500 egresados de 28 partidos políticos, diálogo interpartidario y la iniciativa 'Voces Contra la Polarización'.

Espacio Crítico (Regional, LAC)

Una organización regional que brinda apoyo estratégico personalizado, formación técnica y asesoría en seguridad a organizaciones de la sociedad civil, periodistas independientes y líderes políticos en la primera línea del retroceso democrático en América Latina y el Caribe.

D-Hub (Regional, Global)

Una comunidad global de defensores de la democracia que conecta a activistas de primera línea y organizaciones de la sociedad civil con expertos que han enfrentado desafíos similares — construyendo la infraestructura para la solidaridad democrática transfronteriza que ninguna organización puede sostener sola.

Un Hito Histórico


The Democracy Garage es el primer programa acelerador de este tipo diseñado específicamente para defensores de la democracia en América Latina y el Caribe. Al combinar el rigor de la investigación basada en evidencia, la agilidad de un modelo acelerador y la profundidad de una alianza a largo plazo, DAL está abriendo un camino inédito para fortalecer la resiliencia democrática — basado en la convicción de que las organizaciones más cercanas a la crisis están mejor posicionadas para afrontarla, cuando se les proporcionan las herramientas, el conocimiento y las conexiones adecuadas.

“Nos enorgullece inmensamente lanzar The Democracy Garage junto a estas ocho organizaciones extraordinarias," afirmó Beatriz Magaloni, codirectora del DAL y Graham H. Stuart Professor of International Relations en el Departamento de Ciencia Política. "Cada una de ellas representa lo que es la defensa de la democracia en la práctica, no en la teoría. Juntos, estamos comprometidos con algo sin precedentes: construir una comunidad de estrategia y solidaridad que fortalezca la democracia, país por país.”
 

Sobre el Democracy Action Lab

El Democracy Action Lab (DAL) es una iniciativa de investigación y estrategia con sede en el Center on Democracy, Development and Rule of Law de la Universidad de Stanford, dedicada a traducir las ciencias sociales en herramientas prácticas para quienes defienden la democracia. El DAL trabaja en la intersección entre la evidencia y la acción, colaborando con organizaciones de primera línea para fortalecer las instituciones democráticas, proteger el espacio cívico y contrarrestar las amenazas autoritarias en América Latina y más allá.

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DAL launch panel
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Political scientists emphasize need for pro-democracy coalitions at launch of Democracy Action Lab

Political science scholars discussed strengthening pro-democracy coalitions in a Wednesday event marking the launch of CDDRL’s new Democracy Action Lab.
Political scientists emphasize need for pro-democracy coalitions at launch of Democracy Action Lab
Prof. Adam Prezworski, Prof. Beatriz Magaloni, and Prof. Alberto Díaz Cayeros present during DAL’s Inaugural Conference at El Colegio de Mexico.
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Stanford’s Democracy Action Lab Launches in Mexico City

The new initiative from the Center on Democracy, Development and the Rule of Law connects research with frontline efforts to address democratic backsliding across Latin America.
Stanford’s Democracy Action Lab Launches in Mexico City
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El Primer Acelerador de Democracia de Este Tipo en América Latina y el Caribe.

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  • El Laboratorio de Democracia en Acción (DAL, por sus siglas en inglés) del CDDRL lanzó el primer acelerador de democracia de América Latina, el Democracy Garage (Garaje de la Democracia).
  • El programa combina la capacidad de investigación y la experiencia docente del DAL con ocho organizaciones de Colombia, Brasil y Perú.
  • Beatriz Magaloni, codirectora del DAL, calificó la iniciativa como una comunidad de estrategia y solidaridad sin precedentes, impulsada por Stanford.
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The Democracy Action Lab (DAL), a practitioner-centered initiative of the Center on Democracy, Development and the Rule of Law at Stanford University, is proud to officially announce the first cohort of its Democracy Garage, the first accelerator program of its kind dedicated to strengthening frontline democracy defenders across Latin America and the Caribbean.

The Democracy Garage was born from a simple but urgent conviction: democratic resilience is built not only through ideas, but through the capacity of organizations to act strategically, use evidence effectively, communicate persuasively, and adapt to rapidly evolving political environments. DAL built this program to close a persistent gap in democracy support, bridging high-level research with the real-time, operational needs of the organizations doing the hardest work on the ground.

Over the next few months, DAL will work side by side with eight extraordinary organizations across the region, applying a structured accelerator methodology to co-develop strategies tailored to the specific democratic challenges in each country. This is not a traditional growth program: it is a deep collaboration grounded in evidence, strategy, and solidarity.

A Three-Track Accelerator Model


The accelerator model of the Democracy Garage is organized around three mutually reinforcing tracks designed to address a key gap in the democracy support ecosystem: many programs either provide high-level training disconnected from immediate needs or short-term technical assistance that does not build lasting capacity. The Garage bridges this divide.

Track 1  |  Evidence Analysis for Democratic Strategizing  —  Hands-On Advisory

The first track provides direct, problem-driven advisory support. Each of the selected organizations enters the Garage with a defined, real-time challenge. DAL mobilizes its analytical capacity, including faculty expertise, student engagement, and data tools, to help address it collaboratively. This is not one-directional technical assistance: it is a joint process that builds organizations' own capacity to use evidence as a strategic tool, shifting from reactive to anticipatory modes of operation.

Track 2  |  Training and Capacity Building  —  Four Core Areas

The second track offers structured training in four areas critical to democratic action: (1) Strategizing for democratic defense — understanding the state of democracy in the region and its main challenges; (2) AI for activism — practical applications of artificial intelligence for monitoring, communication, and decision-making; (3) Evidence for democratic defense — data collection, analysis, and interpretation linked directly to strategic decisions; and (4) Storytelling for change — translating complex analysis into compelling narratives that resonate with policymakers, media, and citizens alike.

Track 3  |  Platform Building for Democratic Defense  —  Scaling for Systemic Impact

The third track supports participating organizations in becoming foundational nodes of country-level democratic defense platforms. Democratic erosion rarely unfolds in isolation: it requires coordinated responses across civil society, media, academia, and institutions. Through actor mapping, network articulation, and the development of coordination mechanisms, the Garage helps build structured ecosystems capable of collective action. This track culminates at the Regional Synergy Meeting in August 2026, where organizations will present their platform visions and lay the groundwork for regional coordination.

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Diagram of Democracy Action Lab's Democracy Garage accelerator methodology, showing three mutually reinforcing tracks — Advisory, Training, and Platform Building — leading to a Regional Synergy Meeting and stronger democratic ecosystems.


DAL's Accelerator Methodology (click to enlarge)

Eight Organizations. Three Countries. One Region.


After a rigorous selection process, The Democracy Garage is proud to welcome the following participating organizations:

CESJUL — Centro de Estudios Socio Jurídicos Latinoamericanos (Colombia)  

Works at the intersection of criminal law, human rights, and democratic governance, bringing rigorous legal analysis to the most pressing challenges in Colombian democracy — including the use of law as both a tool of repression and a vehicle for accountability.

Dejusticia (Colombia)

One of Latin America's most respected human rights organizations — a true think-and-do tank combining rigorous legal research with strategic litigation, direct advocacy, and capacity-building across anti-discrimination, transitional justice, and the protection of civic space.

Instituto Sou da Paz (Brazil)

A 25-year leader in public security policy in Brazil, shaping national legislation on firearms regulation and homicide reduction through an evidence-first approach that centers the communities most affected by violence — particularly Black Brazilians.

Pacto pela Democracia (Brazil)

Brazil's preeminent pro-democracy coalition of more than 200 organizations, and an internationally recognized model for coalition-based democratic defense. Its coordinated protection of the 2022 elections — over 80 actions across 35 organizations — demonstrated the power of building coalitions before the crisis arrives.

Instituto de Estudios Peruanos (IEP) (Perú)

One of Latin America's oldest and most distinguished social science institutions, IEP has spent six decades producing the empirical foundation for democratic analysis in Perú — from public opinion surveys and electoral studies to interdisciplinary research on power, inequality, and the state

Recambio (Perú)

In a country that has seen eight presidents in a decade, Recambio is rebuilding democratic culture from within the political system — with a network of over 500 alumni from 28 political parties, cross-partisan dialogue, and the 'Voices Against Polarization' initiative.

Espacio Crítico (Regional, LAC)

A regional organization providing tailored strategic support, technical training, and security advice to civil society organizations, independent journalists, and political leaders on the front lines of democratic backsliding across Latin America and the Caribbean.

D-Hub (Regional, Global)

A global community of democracy defenders connecting frontline activists and civil society organizations with experts who have faced similar challenges — building the infrastructure for cross-border democratic solidarity that no single organization can sustain alone.

A Historic First


The Democracy Garage is the first accelerator program of this type designed specifically for democracy defenders in Latin America and the Caribbean. By combining the rigor of evidence-based research, the agility of an accelerator model, and the depth of long-term collaboration, DAL is pioneering a new approach to democratic resilience — one grounded in the conviction that the organizations closest to the crisis are best positioned to address it, when equipped with the right tools, knowledge, and connections.

"We are immensely proud to launch the Democracy Garage alongside these eight remarkable organizations," said DAL co-director Beatriz Magaloni, the Graham H. Stuart Professor of International Relations. "Each of them represents what democratic defense looks like in practice, not in theory. Together, we are committed to something unprecedented: building a community of strategy and solidarity that makes democracy stronger, one country at a time."
 

About the Democracy Action Lab

The Democracy Action Lab (DAL) is a research and strategy initiative housed at Stanford University’s Center on Democracy, Development and Rule of Law, dedicated to translating social science into practical tools for democracy defenders. DAL works at the intersection of evidence and action, partnering with frontline organizations to strengthen democratic institutions, protect civic space, and counter authoritarian threats across Latin America and beyond.

Read More

Wall plastered with posters and graffiti text reading "DEMOCRACY NOW"
News

Stanford Launches New Democracy Action Lab to Confront Global Democratic Backsliding

By combining rigorous research with practitioner collaborations, the Democracy Action Lab at the Center on Democracy, Development and the Rule of Law turns ideas into action.
Stanford Launches New Democracy Action Lab to Confront Global Democratic Backsliding
DAL launch panel
News

Political scientists emphasize need for pro-democracy coalitions at launch of Democracy Action Lab

Political science scholars discussed strengthening pro-democracy coalitions in a Wednesday event marking the launch of CDDRL’s new Democracy Action Lab.
Political scientists emphasize need for pro-democracy coalitions at launch of Democracy Action Lab
Prof. Adam Prezworski, Prof. Beatriz Magaloni, and Prof. Alberto Díaz Cayeros present during DAL’s Inaugural Conference at El Colegio de Mexico.
Blogs

Stanford’s Democracy Action Lab Launches in Mexico City

The new initiative from the Center on Democracy, Development and the Rule of Law connects research with frontline efforts to address democratic backsliding across Latin America.
Stanford’s Democracy Action Lab Launches in Mexico City
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Illustration of diverse young activists emerging from a garage carrying books and a raised-fist flag, with a network of connected stars overhead, symbolizing the Democracy Garage.
Pariplab Chakraborty
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The first democracy accelerator of its kind in Latin America and the Caribbean.

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  • CDDRL’s Democracy Action Lab (DAL) has launched Latin America's first democracy accelerator, the Democracy Garage.
  • The program pairs DAL’s research capacity and faculty expertise with eight organizations across Colombia, Brazil, and Perú.
  • DAL co-director Beatriz Magaloni called the initiative an unprecedented Stanford-led community of strategy and solidarity.
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This summer, the Center on Democracy, Development and the Rule of Law (CDDRL) welcomed 26 democracy leaders from 19 countries across the developing world to its Fisher Family Summer Fellows on Democracy and Development Program for an intensive three-week training focused on democracy, good governance, and rule of law reform. Chosen from a highly competitive applicant pool, the fellows represent a diverse range of professional backgrounds and geographical regions, spanning civil society, public service, social enterprise, media, and technology. Launched in 2005, the program was previously known as the Draper Hills Summer Fellows Program. It was renamed in 2023 in recognition of a gift from the Fisher family — Sakurako (Sako), ‘82, and William (Bill), MBA ‘84 — that endowed the program and secured its future.

Fellows were instructed by a leading Stanford faculty team composed of CDDRL Mosbacher Director and FSI Satre Family Senior Fellow Kathryn Stoner; Olivier Nomellini Senior Fellow Francis Fukuyama; Senior Fellow in Global Democracy Larry Diamond; Michael McFaul, FSI Senior Fellow, Ken Olivier and Angela Nomellini Professor of International Studies, and former U.S. Ambassador to Russia; and Erik Jensen, Lecturer in Law at Stanford Law School, on new institutional models and frameworks to enhance their ability to promote good governance, accountable politics, and find new ways to achieve economic development in their home countries.

The program opened with foundational sessions on the dimensions of development, the meaning of democracy, and the role of rule of law, led by faculty including Fukuyama, Diamond, Stoner, and Jensen. Fellows then explored comparative case studies in autocratic governance — from the Middle East to China's global information ecosystem — alongside a fireside discussion on the geopolitics of energy. The second week turned to questions of migration, gender and political development, and the causes of democratization, including a session with the Human Rights Foundation on global patterns of authoritarianism. Additional sessions covered conflict and leadership, transitional justice, and anti-corruption reform, closing with discussions of sharp power, deliberative democracy, and propaganda in autocratic states. In its third and final week, the program addressed some of today's most consequential global issues, including the future of NATO, the geopolitics of artificial intelligence, and democratic backsliding worldwide. The week also covered inequality in Latin America, political corruption, and the challenges facing American democracy ahead of the midterm elections, concluding with sessions on protecting vulnerable populations in conflict and the relationship between land power and democracy.

This year's cohort now joins a global network of more than 500 alumni from over 100 countries, whose professional backgrounds are as diverse as the challenges they confront in their home countries — reflecting a shared dedication to building sound structures of democracy and development.

During the program, the fellows delivered "TED"-style talks in our Fellow Spotlight Series, sharing personal stories about the struggles in their home countries, stories of their fight for justice, equality, and democracy, and stories of optimism and endurance. You can watch their talks in the playlist below:

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The Fellow Spotlight Series is an inspiring and moving series of "TED"-style talks given by each of our 2026 Fisher Family Summer Fellows to share their backstories and discuss their work.

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JeanetBSeminar

Why do individuals differ so persistently in their willingness to take economic risks? This paper investigates whether religiosity, particularly the intensity of religious belief, and helps explain this variation. The research considers two competing theoretical predictions: religious teachings discourage immoral and unlawful behavior, while the religious coping literature suggests that belief in a benevolent God reduces background anxiety and effectively provides psychological insurance. Using Danish administrative data covering the full population over three decades, together with a novel naming-based measure of individual religiosity, the paper finds that more religious individuals are significantly more likely to be self-employed and to hold a larger share of their assets in stocks. These effects are economically meaningful, corresponding to roughly a quarter of the wealth effect on economic risk-taking. The findings also remain significant when comparing individuals within sibling groups, which absorbs family-level confounders. The research further finds that these same individuals are less likely to be charged with a criminal offence. This pattern of opposite effects across different types of risk is consistent with the idea that religiosity reduces perceived background risk through a psychological insurance channel, while simultaneously increasing the perceived cost of behaviours condemned by religious teachings. Overall, the paper suggests that religiosity helps explain a portion of the large and persistent individual differences in risk-taking behavior.

ABOUT THE SPEAKER

Jeanet Sinding Bentzen is a Professor of Economics at the University of Copenhagen, where she also leads the department's PhD program. She is a Research Affiliate at the Centre for Economic Policy Research (CEPR) and the Centre for Competitive Advantage in the Global Economy (CAGE), Associate Editor at The Economic Journal, and Executive Director of the Association for the Study of Religion, Economics, and Culture (ASREC).

Her research lies in the economics of religion field. Using natural experiments and large-scale data, she studies why religiosity differs across the globe and how it shapes societies. Her work shows that crises such as earthquakes and the COVID-19 pandemic raise religiosity, that the divide between devout and secular people is the widest cultural gap on Earth, and that religiosity affects science, democracy, productivity, and conservative attitudes. She has published in The Economic Journal, the American Economic Journal: Applied Economics, the Journal of Development Economics, and Nature Communications, and her findings have been covered by The Economist, The Wall Street Journal, and Freakonomics Radio.

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How does the local presence of an authoritarian power shape citizens' commitment to democracy? Existing theories suggest engagement with authoritarian states should weaken democratic commitment through norm diffusion, accommodation, or authoritarian learning. This paper challenges that expectation by examining Chinese development finance in Latin America. Using geocoded data, it estimates the subnational effect of exposure to Chinese aid on democratic attitudes. Exposure increases support for democracy rather than undermining it. The effect is strongest in authoritarian and weakly democratic settings and absent in consolidated democracies. Exposure does not improve perceptions of China or the United States, casting doubt on soft power or foreign-comparison explanations. Instead, the paper argues that visible Chinese projects make incumbents' authoritarian character more salient, triggering an accountability response. These findings recast authoritarian external influence as a contingent catalyst for democratic reinforcement.

ABOUT THE SPEAKER

Marcela Ibáñez is a Visiting Postdoctoral Fellow at CDDRL and a Postdoctoral Researcher at the University of Zurich. Her work lies at the intersection of political economy and development studies. Her current research examines how development finance from authoritarian donors shapes political attitudes in recipient countries. Her broader interests include authoritarian politics, inequality and opportunity in low- and middle-income economies, democracy after conflict, and strategic communication. Methodologically, she draws on causal inference and econometrics, using experimental and quasi-experimental designs, geospatial and survey data, and quantitative text analysis. She holds a PhD in Political Science from the University of Mannheim.

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Virtual to Public. If prompted for a password, use: 123456

Only those with an active Stanford ID with access to Conference Room E-008 in Encina Hall, East, may attend in person.

Marcela Ibáñez Visiting Scholar Presenter Center on Democracy, Development and the Rule of Law
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