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The Stanford Deliberative Democracy Lab, based at the University’s Center on Democracy, Development and the Rule of Law, today released the findings from two national Community Forums on the evolving expectations around privacy and governance of AI-powered wearable devices. In collaboration with Meta, the forum engaged a representative sample of 550 participants — 300 from the United States and 250 from India — to solicit people's perspectives on user controls and societal expectations. The Community Forums were conducted as national Deliberative Polls.

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American Political Development (APD) scholars have long sought to escape notions of American exceptionalism — the view that the United States is qualitatively distinct in ways that limit the usefulness of comparative analysis. This article presents a comparative framework that reframes the issue of exceptionalism by distinguishing between two analytic logics: divergence and lack of convergence. The exercise consists of examining the U.S. divergence from cases with shared starting points in Latin America and assessing convergence — or its absence — with European cases that began from markedly different initial conditions. Viewed from these two lenses, the U.S. fits neither pattern of development neatly. It followed a different trajectory shaped by contingent historical choices and specific structural characteristics. However, treating the U.S. as a comparative case study proves analytically productive: it sharpens counterfactual reasoning, permits the transfer of comparative lessons, and revises interpretations of core theories of political development, including debates over institutional sequencing.

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The Stanford Deliberative Democracy Lab, based at the University’s Center on Democracy, Development and the Rule of Law, today released the findings from two national Community Forums on the evolving expectations around privacy and governance of AI-powered wearable devices. In collaboration with Meta, the forum engaged a representative sample of 550 participants — 300 from the United States and 250 from India — to solicit people's perspectives on user controls and societal expectations. The Community Forums were conducted as national Deliberative Polls.

As AI wearables see rapid adoption worldwide, understanding public attitudes can help to ensure these technologies are developed and deployed responsibly. Three key themes emerged from the forum. Participants in both the U.S. and India indicated the highest levels of support for users having controls over when their wearables passively process environments and actively capture data. U.S. participants consistently favored individual agency over how wearables are used, both in public and private settings, whereas in India, there was a slight preference for governments to decide wearable usage rules in public spaces. Additionally, U.S. participants supported workplaces and schools having the primary authority to decide how AI-powered wearables should be used in those environments, while Indian participants also saw a significant role for governments in these settings.

The forum also revealed important nuances in public perspectives. For example, participants expressed a preference for AI wearables that are tailored to cultural and regional contexts, rather than standardized global designs. There was also broad support for AI agents capable of responding to emotional cues, underscoring the public's desire for personalized, human-centric wearable experiences.

"This global forum provided invaluable insights into how the public's expectations around privacy and governance of wearable AI are evolving," said Alice Siu, Associate Director of the Stanford Deliberative Democracy Lab. "The findings will be essential for policymakers, technology companies, and other stakeholders as they work to ensure these powerful technologies empower users while respecting fundamental rights."

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National community forums in the U.S. and India highlight differences in preferences for privacy, user control, and governance of emerging technologies.

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  • Stanford’s Deliberative Democracy Lab convened national forums in the U.S. and India to examine public attitudes toward AI-powered wearable devices.
  • Participants in both countries strongly supported user control over data collection, with differences in preferences for government and institutional oversight.
  • Findings highlight demand for culturally tailored designs and personalized, human-centered AI features as adoption of wearables grows.
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Introduction and Contribution:


There is a growing recognition, both in and outside of the academy, that democracy requires more than simply voting for and removing incumbents during elections. For one, relying solely on elected representatives deprives those being represented of direct control over decisions that affect them. In addition, it can also generate — as it has in the United States and elsewhere — large gaps in responsiveness and representation, particularly for historically disenfranchised and marginal groups. 

Participatory budgeting (PB) represents one influential attempt to overcome these gaps in democratic practice. First introduced in the 1980s by the Brazilian Workers’ Party (PT), PB empowers voters to allocate public funds to projects that benefit them. Since then, ordinary citizens in thousands of places across the world have helped determine the content of local budgets.

Despite its successes, academics and practitioners remain unclear about how to address and balance considerations related to budget constraints and ease of participation. This coincides with well-known mathematical difficulties surrounding the aggregation of votes, for example, that individually consistent preferences can yield inconsistent group outcomes.

Participatory budgeting empowers voters to allocate public funds to projects that benefit them.

In “Rank, Pack, or Approve,” Lodewijk Gelauff and Ashish Goel introduce a dataset drawn from the novel and comprehensive Stanford Participatory Budgeting platform. The data span over 150 real participatory budgeting processes, or “elections.” Importantly, the elections vary in terms of how ballots are designed and how participants make budgeting decisions. Gelauff and Goel ask how such variation shapes important budgeting outcomes, such as when participants are more likely to become fatigued and abandon the process. 

Two key findings from the study are as follows: First, more complex PB designs lead voters to, perhaps unsurprisingly, spend more time participating; however, this does not significantly increase abandonment or “dropout” rates. Second, voting methods that force participants to deal with cost trade-offs — as opposed to merely indicating their preferences — have been found to generate less expensive projects. 

The reader comes away with a sense of how subtle differences in the design of budgeting elections meaningfully shape the allocation of resources. This will resonate with social scientists who are familiar with how, for example, different kinds of electoral rules shape political competition. To understand Gelauff and Goel’s findings, it helps to first outline how PB elections differ from one another.

Ballot Design and Voting Methods:


The basic PB setup involves organizers choosing a voting method, a list of projects to potentially be funded, and an authentication process (i.e., checking that participants are valid voters). Voters then select or rank projects given the constraints of each voting rule or method. These three rules, captured in the paper’s title, are as follows: 

The first, “K-approval,” asks voters to select up to “K” projects. The top-voted projects receive funding until the budget runs out. K-approval is simple, but its main drawback is that it ignores the costliness of each project: voters only indicate which projects they like, rather than how those choices fit within a fixed budget. The second method, “K-ranking,” asks voters to rank their preferred projects, capturing their preferences in a more fine-grained manner. As votes are aggregated using the Borda scoring method, higher-ranked projects receive greater weight or value. Finally, the “knapsack” method asks voters to choose projects that fit within a fixed budget. This method best allows participants to balance costs in a way that mimics real city councils. However, knapsack is more complex and time-consuming than K-approval or K-ranking, although the online interface design, which mimics a shopping cart, is already much simpler than it would be on paper. 

Data Collection and Findings:


As mentioned, Gelauff and Goel’s data is drawn from the open-source Stanford PB platform. This tool enables cities to conduct online PB elections with a great deal of customizability, including location, budget, language of operation, authentication process (e.g., requiring personal information or sending SMS messages), as well as methods, phases, and windows of voting. Key for the authors’ purposes, it also tracks (anonymous) voters’ choices and how much time they spend during the election. Data collection began in 2014. 

The first key finding is motivated by the fact that election organizers often prefer K-approval for its simplicity. As such, Gelauff and Goel analyze how much time participants spend on their ballots and how often they quit. Although more complex ballots — those with a larger budget and number of projects — are shown to predict longer completion times, they do not significantly increase dropout rates. The authors note that more research is needed to assess whether knapsack specifically affects dropout.

The authors also find that voters select more expensive projects with K-approval compared to the knapsack methods. However, voters indicate similarly expensive preferences for their most-preferred projects under both methods; the key difference appears lower down the list of preferences, where the knapsack constraint forces them to be more cost-conscious. In other words, the knapsack cost constraint doesn’t affect which expensive project participants most prefer. Rather, it limits how many extra expensive projects they can add.

Overall, “Rank, Pack, or Approve” deepens our understanding of how PB can improve direct democratic engagement while reducing burdens on participants. It does this while providing a large quantity of real-world data, compared with prior research that has relied on crowdworkers without a real stake in the budgeting outcome. The authors helpfully illustrate how local governments can design PB processes that are clearer and more inviting to ordinary voters. Subsequent research will benefit from using this powerful data resource, as will organizers seeking to expand local engagement.

*Brief prepared by Adam Fefer.

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CDDRL Research-in-Brief [3.5-minute read]

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Valentin Bolotnyy, an affiliated scholar at Stanford’s Center on Democracy, Development and the Rule of Law (CDDRL), has been appointed Vice Chair of the Governor’s Council of Economic Advisors by Gavin Newsom. The council serves as a strategic advisory body to the governor and the California Department of Finance, bringing together leading experts to analyze economic trends and provide guidance on state and federal developments.

The announcement introduces new leadership for the council, with Renee Bowen (Georgetown University McDonough School of Business and the Walsh School of Foreign Service) serving as Chair and Bolotnyy as Vice Chair. The group convenes experts from academia, policy, and industry to examine evolving economic conditions and advise on issues shaping California’s economy, including federal policy shifts, trade dynamics, and emerging technologies like artificial intelligence.

Bolotnyy is a Kleinheinz Fellow at the Hoover Institution, where he contributes to the State and Local Governance Initiative and the Working Group on Civics and American Citizenship. His research focuses on designing and evaluating policies that improve economic and health outcomes, particularly for vulnerable populations, often in partnership with state and local agencies.

Using administrative data, quasi-experimental methods, and randomized controlled trials, his work examines issues including involuntary hospitalization, deinstitutionalization, and interventions for individuals cycling through hospitals, jails, and homelessness, as well as prison education and workforce development programs. He is also affiliated with CDDRL's Deliberative Democracy Lab.

His appointment comes as California continues to navigate global economic disruptions and policy shifts, with the council playing a key role in helping the state respond to emerging challenges and opportunities.

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Valentin Bolotnyy Named to California Governor’s Council of Economic Advisors

Bolotnyy, an economist, affiliated scholar with CDDRL's Deliberative Democracy Lab, and Kleinheinz Fellow at the Hoover Institution, has joined California governor Gavin Newsom’s Council of Economic Advisors. His appointment became effective on August 22, 2024.
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The CDDRL-affiliated scholar is among the newly appointed council leadership advising on economic trends, federal shifts, and emerging challenges facing California.

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We meet at a moment of democratic upheaval in the United States, one in which questions of race and identity are at the heart of what many understand to be a crisis for American democracy. Against this backdrop, three scholars of Black politics gather to reflect on the politics of an ever diversifying Black public and what it tells us about the possibilities and limits of democratic life in the United States.

This conversation, presented by the Center on Democracy, Development and the Rule of Law's Program on Identity, Democracy, and Justice, brings together Katherine Tate, Corey Fields, and Hakeem Jefferson to consider how Black politics is understood in the present moment. Rather than treating Black politics as singular or static, the discussion will take seriously the diversity of views, experiences, and political commitments that exist within Black communities, and the ways those differences matter for how people understand political life.

The event will begin with brief opening reflections from Tate and Fields, followed by a conversation with Jefferson, and will conclude with a moderated Q&A with attendees.

About the Speakers

KatherineTate

Katherine Tate

Professor of Political Science, Brown University
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Katherine Tate is one of the foremost scholars of Black politics in the United States and a Professor of Political Science at Brown University. She received her Ph.D. in political science from the University of Michigan.

Tate is the author of seven books, including the award-winning Black Faces in the Mirror and From Protest to Politics. Her most recent book, Gendered Pluralism (University of Michigan Press, 2023), is coauthored with Belinda Robnett. She is currently at work on a new manuscript focused on Black voters and the 2024 election. Her research and teaching focus on public opinion, government, and Black and women’s politics.

Corey Fields

Corey Fields

Visiting Fellow, Stanford Center for Advanced Study in the Behavioral Sciences (CASBS); Idol Family Chair & Associate Professor of Sociology at Georgetown University
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Corey D. Fields is a sociologist whose work examines how identity shapes social life at both the individual and collective level. He received his Ph.D. in sociology from Northwestern University.

Fields is the author of Black Elephants in the Room: The Unexpected Politics of African-American Republicans (University of California Press, 2016). His research draws on a cultural perspective to explore the relationship between identity, experience, and meaning across a range of domains, including politics, work, and relationships. This year, he is a fellow at Stanford's Center for Advanced Study in the Behavioral Sciences. He is currently at work on projects examining how social and professional identities are constructed and expressed, including a study of African Americans in the advertising industry.

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Hakeem Jefferson

Assistant Professor of Political Science & Director, Program on Identity, Democracy, and Justice, Stanford University
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Hakeem Jefferson is an assistant professor of political science at Stanford University and faculty director of the Program on Identity, Democracy, and Justice at the Center on Democracy, Development, and the Rule of Law. He received his Ph.D. in political science from the University of Michigan.

His research centers on questions of race, identity, and political behavior in the United States, with a particular interest in the political and social lives of Black Americans. He is the author of Respectability Politics, forthcoming with the University of Chicago Press. The book examines disagreement among Black Americans about how members of their own group should behave, especially around issues of discipline and punishment, and develops a theory of ingroup social control that shows how stigma and status influence those judgments.

Hakeem Jefferson
Hakeem Jefferson

Philippines Conference Room — Encina Hall Central, 3rd Floor
616 Jane Stanford Way, Stanford

This event is in-person and open to the public. Live stream available via Zoom. Registration is required.

Katherine Tate Professor of Political Science Panelist Brown University
Corey Fields Panelist Visiting Fellow, Center for Advanced Study in the Behavioral Sciences, Stanford University; Idol Family Chair in the Department of Sociology, Georgetown University
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On April 2, FSI Center Fellow Didi Kuo opened CDDRL’s Spring Research Seminar Series with a presentation titled “Beyond Policy: The Rise of Non-Programmatic Party Competition in Advanced Democracies.” The seminar examined whether policy continues to serve as the primary basis of political competition and voter-party linkage in advanced democratic systems.

Kuo began by outlining the traditional “programmatic” model of party competition, which assumes that political parties compete by offering distinct policy platforms and that voters make choices based on these policy differences. In this framework, democratic responsiveness emerges from the alignment between public preferences and party positions. Historically, such programmatic competition has been closely associated with democratic consolidation, strong institutions, and effective governance.

However, Kuo challenged this assumption by asking whether policy still plays a central role in contemporary politics. She presented evidence suggesting that political discourse, particularly in the United States, has shifted away from policy-focused communication. For example, recent political speeches were shown to contain fewer policy references and more grievance-based and retrospective language. This shift raised concerns that parties may increasingly rely on alternative strategies to mobilize voters.

The seminar then explored several non-programmatic forms of political competition. These included identity-based appeals, grievance politics, populism, and affective polarization. Kuo explained that these strategies emphasize emotional resonance, group identity, and symbolic representation rather than concrete policy proposals. In such contexts, voters may be motivated less by policy preferences and more by partisan identity or perceived cultural alignment. Importantly, these dynamics do not fully replace programmatic competition but instead reduce its relative importance.

Kuo also discussed theoretical and empirical research showing that many voters possess limited policy knowledge and often hold unstable or weakly structured policy preferences. As a result, factors such as party identification, emotion, and social identity can play a more significant role in shaping political behavior. This complicates the traditional view that democratic accountability operates primarily through policy evaluation.

To assess whether programmatic competition is declining, Kuo introduced new measurement strategies. These included expert surveys evaluating party cohesion and policy salience, as well as analyses of voter responses over time to determine whether individuals reference policy when expressing political preferences. The findings suggested a gradual decline in policy-based reasoning among voters, even in countries like the United States that have historically been highly programmatic.

Kuo concluded by considering the broader implications of this shift. A decline in programmatic competition may weaken democratic accountability, as voters become less likely to evaluate governments based on policy performance. It may also contribute to increased polarization and reduced willingness to compromise, as identity-driven politics tends to be more zero-sum. Ultimately, the seminar suggested that if policy is no longer the dominant mode of political competition, scholars may need to rethink core assumptions about how democracy functions.

In sum, Kuo’s presentation highlighted a significant transformation in advanced democracies: the growing importance of non-programmatic strategies in party competition and the potential consequences this shift holds for democratic governance.

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Didi Kuo presented her research in a CDDRL seminar on April 2, 2026. | Stacey Clifton
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Didi Kuo explores how non-programmatic competition is changing the relationship between voters, parties, and democratic institutions.

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  • In an April 2 research seminar at the Center on Democracy, Development and the Rule of Law, Didi Kuo examined whether policy still drives party competition in advanced democracies.
  • Kuo’s seminar showed parties increasingly rely on identity, grievance, and polarization alongside traditional policy-based appeals.
  • The research suggests declining policy-based competition could weaken democratic accountability and reshape how scholars understand democratic governance.
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The crisis in American democracy is inseparable from the failings of our political parties. Parties are essential to organizing citizens’ engagement in democracy, managing debate and compromise, nurturing candidates, and setting out competing national and local agendas. But our major parties have largely failed to fulfill these responsibilities, albeit in different ways.

In October 2025, New America’s Political Reform program brought together 42 political scientists and sociologists, political practitioners, and organizational leaders for a first-of-its-kind convening to consider two questions: What would a healthier system of political parties look like, and how can we build it?

Key Findings
 

  • Rebuild party organizations at the state and local level. Across much of the country, state and local parties no longer function as reliable civic institutions. They appear during election cycles and vanish afterward, leaving little ongoing connection between citizens and the political organizations that claim to represent them.
     
  • Reconstruct the talent pipeline, both for party leaders and candidates. Parties once developed local activists into national leaders. Today, those pathways are unclear or inaccessible. Weak organizations, consultant-driven candidate recruitment, and financial barriers have narrowed opportunities for new candidates and internal leadership.
     
  • Break the cycle of short-term incentives. Modern parties operate in an environment that rewards fundraising and the next election cycle over long-term organizing and institutional development. Predatory small-dollar fundraising tactics weaken trust and reinforce parties’ transactional relationships with voters.
     
  • Strengthen parties as core democratic institutions. Parties are essential to organizing citizens’ engagement, managing debate, nurturing candidates, and translating electoral victories into policy wins. Election reforms and civic engagement matter, but without parties capable of channeling political energy into governing coalitions, democratic renewal will remain incomplete.
     

Acknowledgments


We would like to thank the participants of the “Blueprint for a Healthier Party System” convening hosted by New America’s Political Reform program in October 2025. The convening and resulting report were made possible by the generous support of the William and Flora Hewlett Foundation.

Thanks also to Maresa Strano and Sarah Jacob of the Political Reform program, as well as our New America events and communications colleagues, for their organizational and editorial support throughout the project.

Editorial disclosure: The views expressed in this report are solely those of the authors and do not reflect the views of New America, its staff, fellows, funders, or board of directors.

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A convening organized by New America's Political Reform program reveals pathways to rebuild America’s political parties.

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CDDRL Honors Student, 2026-27
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Major: Economics
Hometown: Oakland, California
Thesis Advisor: Jonathan Gienapp and Lukas Althoff

Tentative Thesis Title: Rights Balancing on the U.S. Supreme Court

Future aspirations post-Stanford: Work and graduate school.

A fun fact about yourself: I have bowled at the White House!

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CDDRL Honors Student, 2026-27
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George Porteous is a CDDRL Honors Student pursuing a B.A. in History. Originally from New York, NY, his academic interests include American political and intellectual history, democratic legitimacy, and historical memory. He currently serves as the Editor-in-Chief and President of The Stanford Daily, where he began as a news reporter in his first quarter at Stanford. In his free time, he enjoys acting and creative writing.

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