The longer these authoritarian parties are in power, the more they eviscerate democratic institutions. But they are not invincible or irreversible. Incipient authoritarianism has been turned back in countries as diverse as Brazil, Poland, Sri Lanka, and Senegal. The slide away from liberal democracy has been reversed recently in Botswana and Mauritius. An executive coup against democracy was defeated in South Korea. Young people in Bangladesh overthrew a dictator last year in a remarkable upsurge of protest. And the longstanding autocracies in Venezuela and Turkey are looking increasingly desperate and unpopular. These examples bear lessons we must learn and promote if we are to ignite — as we surely can — a new era of democratic progress.

First, we must study what it takes to defeat autocrats at the ballot box. Typically, electoral battles are not a straight contrast between democracy and autocracy. Voters weigh their circumstances of life as well. Fortunately, autocrats have other failings besides their corruption, lawlessness, and abuse of power: sooner or later, they fail to deliver on their material promises. Successful democratic campaigns target the populists’ hypocrisy and address not just people’s political rights but their economic and social needs. 

To defeat autocrats, democratic forces must offer specific, credible plans to meet the core policy challenges of economic growth and distribution, fairness and inclusion, education, health care, infrastructure, public safety, and national security. 

But people everywhere also need a vision of what constitutes a good and just form of government. Here, democracies have dropped the ball in making the case FOR democracy as the best form of government. Decades ago, as they fought dictatorships and then came to power, democracies taught their young people the values, ideas, and history of democracy. But as new democracies stabilized, the existence of a democratic culture came to be assumed, and countries forgot the terrible price they paid under dictatorship — the fear, falsehoods, powerlessness, and repression, the lack of accountability, voice, justice, and human dignity. We can make the practical case for democracy — it performs better over time. But we cannot pin the argument on performance, which may fail at specific points in time.
 

Ultimately, the case for democracy is that being able to speak truth to power, to hold it accountable, and to change those who exercise it is a core element of human dignity and a basic human right. The freedoms to speak, publish, pray, organize, and assemble are inalienable human rights. As are the rights to a fair and impartial trial and to have all citizens be treated equally under the law. It is only democracy — never autocracy — that protects these rights and treats citizens with dignity by investing sovereignty in them, not some self-appointed minority. Liberty and democracy are intertwined.

We must make these points relentlessly, creatively, and convincingly, not just in the schools, at successively higher levels of instruction and deliberation, but through the social media platforms where people live their information lives. Russia, China, Iran, and other autocracies wage extensive propaganda campaigns to trash liberal values and institutions. They portray democracy as lacking in dynamism, capacity, and masculine strength. These arguments are false, offensive, and degrading to the human spirit. But they will not fail of their own accord. They need to be defeated by better, more inspiring arguments and narratives about why people need freedom to thrive, and why societies need democracy to have freedom.

Today, there are four arenas of struggle for the future of freedom, and democrats must prevail in all of them. The core battle is now in the countries that have been sliding back from democracy to autocracy. 

In almost every instance where authoritarian projects have been defeated, it has been through elections. Illiberal populists crave the legitimacy that comes from victory in multiparty elections. But corruption and misrule erode their electoral support. So, they need elections that are competitive enough to validate their claim to rule but rigged enough to minimize the risk of defeat. The pathway to restoring democracy is to seize the electoral opportunity, flood the zone with election workers and observers, and wage an effective campaign so that people who have grown weary of authoritarian abuse can defeat it at the ballot box.

To win, democrats must forge a unified coalition across factional and ideological divides. They must offer concrete policy ideas to improve people’s lives. They need a narrative about what has happened to justice and democracy, and why restoring these will help to make the country great again. A campaign is not a legal brief. It must inspire and excite. It requires strong, compelling leadership. It must engage diverse sections of society, including people who once supported the authoritarian populists but are now disillusioned. Democrats must also express patriotism and show that illiberal populists wave a false flag. Democrats are the truer patriots because they recognize democracy and liberty as pillars of national greatness.

These lessons can help to restore democracy where it has been lost and to secure it in a second arena, when it is under challenge from authoritarian populist parties. But there are two other arenas of struggle in which we must prevail. Globally, democrats cannot let the world’s powerful authoritarian states capture and hollow out the global institutions to defend freedom — the UN Human Rights Council, the international and regional instruments of electoral observation and assistance, and the rules that govern the flows of data and information. Neither can we shrink from the global battle to support democratic values and free flows of information, and to lend technical and financial support to peoples, parties, media, and movements around the world struggling for freedom. 

In the face of isolationist efforts to defund and withdraw from this cause, we must convince democratic publics that we can only secure our own freedom by supporting that of others. A more democratic world will be a safer, fairer, less corrupt, more peaceful, and prosperous world.
 

All of that has been under existential challenge in Ukraine since Russia’s brutal invasion in February of 2022. Resisting aggression is the fourth arena of struggle. There is no more urgent priority than to give the Ukrainian people the weapons, resources, and economic sanctions to defeat Russian aggression. Similarly, we must ensure that Taiwan’s democracy does not suffer the same aggression from the People’s Republic of China. Taiwan must have the weapons, trade, and international dignity it needs to survive. We must preserve the status quo across the strait by making clear that the US and other democracies stand behind the resolve of a free people to chart their own destiny in Taiwan — as we do in Ukraine.

We meet here today just a short distance from the grotesque wall that stood for decades as the dividing line between freedom and tyranny. 36 years ago — almost to this day — the wall was torn down. Few imagined it would happen when it did. But it did because of democratic conviction and resolve. Now, we are in a new cold war with global authoritarianism. The history of Berlin should constantly remind us that freedom is fragile, but it can also be resilient. We must never lose faith in the rightness of our cause and the obligation we bear once again to defend freedom in an hour of peril.

Professor Diamond delivered this speech at the Berlin Freedom Conference on November 10, 2025.

Strategies for Release

Lilian Tintori, an internationally recognized human rights advocate and the wife of former political prisoner Leopoldo López (the 2022 Robert G. Wesson Lecturer in International Relations Theory and Practice at the Freeman Spogli Institute for International Studies), spoke candidly about her seven-year struggle to secure her husband’s release. “It is not easy,” she stated, “You become the voice of the political prisoner. You can’t talk, you have to scream in every crevice, every place, every moment you get.” 

Tintori argues that the most important aspect for release is a community of resilience, which is to provide mental health and emotional support to political prisoners’ families, as they cannot act as the voice if they feel broken themselves. At the heart of this strength, she argued, is love. In her efforts, she now distributes the Pathway to Freedom handbook, produced through her organization, the World Liberty Congress, to help families navigate the grueling road to release.

“Torture only occurs because the Maduro regime knows we are the majority,” Tintori clarified. Since the beginning of 2025, five political prisoners in Venezuela have died in custody. Tintori emphasized the importance of protecting the life of the person being detained — the human being behind the titles of activist, mayor, or opposition leader, beyond a simple number. To raise awareness about political prisoners alike, Tintori often employs the strategy of always mentioning “other political prisoners” after their loved ones’ names. This keeps the broader community of victims in public consciousness.

With international and local channels to plead for help closing, such as the EU or historically, the U.S., all three panelists stressed that silence is not an option for all communities — including academic spheres — and the broader public. Tintori testified that after public pressure, the regimes do pay attention and often send proof of life to suppress further outrage, hence helping to protect prisoners until their release.

Ways to Support A Political Prisoner 

Having been a political prisoner himself after co-founding the April 6th Youth Movement in Egypt, Waleed Shawky recounted what he believed carried him through his time behind bars — the cause he fought for. Upholding the values and vision that led to their arrest, he argued, can provide hope and dignity in the most inhumane conditions. “Being a victim is a choice as a prisoner, because you can choose to be a survivor,” Shawky asserted, “It is important to remind them of the bigger picture.” 

Echoing Tintori’s previous statements, Shawky praised the courage of the families, particularly women, who visit and support prisoners, often at great personal risk. He also warned against idolizing or victimizing political prisoners. “They’re human,” he emphasized. “Don’t cry in front of them. Be strong; they need your strength.”

Authoritarian Crackdowns and Resistance

Gulika Reddy highlighted the challenges advocates operating in authoritarian contexts face and how they navigate these challenges. She broke it down into three different categories: movements, organizations, and individuals.

• Movements are often delegitimized and co-opted. Reddy stressed the importance of engaging in grounded movement building, offering counter-narratives to sustain public trust, and fostering solidarity and collective action.

• At the organizational level, regimes may block formal registration, restrict funding, and launch physical or digital attacks — including office raids and data seizures. To survive these assaults, organizations can diversify financial models, invest in digital security, and cultivate collective care to mitigate burnout and trauma. Additionally, there is a need to adopt diverse theories of change in contexts where traditional human rights tactics prove ineffective.

• For individuals, threats include intimidation and retaliation, which can also extend to their loved ones. Reddy recommended conducting risk assessments and creating mitigation and response plans, including access to free legal aid and safe housing.

What we learned from our speakers is clear: authoritarianism thrives on silence, but freedom depends on our voices. For political prisoners around the world, solidarity, resilience, and an unwavering defense of human dignity are not just ideals; they are lifelines that can bring them home.

The "Meet Our Researchers" series showcases the incredible scholars at Stanford’s Center on Democracy, Development and the Rule of Law (CDDRL). Through engaging interviews conducted by our undergraduate research assistants, we explore the journeys, passions, and insights of CDDRL’s faculty and researchers.

What is the most exciting or impactful finding from your research, and why do you think it matters for democracy, development, or the rule of law?

My current research examines the question of how opposition movements survive in authoritarian contexts, with a focus on recent local elections in Turkey, where conservative incumbents were defeated for the first time in decades. We found that the opposition successfully built bottom-up alliances at the local level, which may be more successful than parties trying to form coalitions at the national level. 

This is because top-down alliances, as were attempted to be formed in Turkey in 2023, tend to be fragile and lack sufficient power to win elections. Top-down efforts involve convincing leaders of ideologically opposed parties to join together, which often isn’t effective in convincing their base to join suit. 

On the other hand, bottom-up local action can be much more powerful, with alliances in municipalities formed through an intimate knowledge of how resources and power are distributed among groups. These opposition coalitions, bound together by substantive ideas and community knowledge, tend to be more persuasive. 

This research demonstrates the power of local government and how opposition can be strengthened through numerous bottom-up alliances, as opposed to a weak, top-down national approach. Still, there are difficulties in preventing authoritarian backlash as a response to oppositional successes. After the loss of many governing party candidates in Turkey recently, there has been a new wave of coercion against municipal leaders, such as the Istanbul mayor being jailed after running as a presidential candidate. Several other newly elected mayors have been in jail for months without even an indictment.

How does the increased authoritarianism in Turkey fit into the context of global democratic recession? Are these patterns of oppositional gains in local elections a sign of a more optimistic future for Turkey, or is it still in a state of democratic decline?

I believe our research suggests that the opposition is more effectively contesting the governing party; however, it is too early to say whether this could serve as a model for a broader shift. Despite being embedded in European organizations and experiencing a moment of democratization in the 2000s, Turkey has become increasingly authoritarian, becoming one of the earliest cases of modern democratic decline. Also, global influences are harming Turkey’s trajectory, such as the presence of a more undemocratic leader in the U.S.
 

How do you see your research influencing policy or contributing to real-world change?

When starting research, I don’t think of writing policy as my main goal. Instead, it’s to understand big questions or add more nuance to a discussion about a phenomenon. My research today on local power dynamics and bottom-up coalition building continues to have real-world relevance in the battle against authoritarian regimes.

Returning to your research on Turkey and particularly the plight of the Kurdish minority, how can states mitigate the effects of ethnic fractionalism on development?

In Turkey, I think of democratization as being possible through the recognition of the cultural and political rights of the Kurds. The opening of systems to those who have been historically excluded would benefit not only democratic development but also economic development. This is because ethnically inclusive states are more prosperous, as otherwise, ethnic conflict hinders development, with national security concerns scaring off investment.

Amidst increasing authoritarianism, have situations for minorities like the Kurds worsened or improved over time?

While there have been gestures of peace with the Kurds, when those efforts fail, the Turkish government often strengthens authoritarian measures. This is exemplified by the peace negotiations from 2013 to 2015, which initially resulted in the Kurds amassing more political power. This caused the regime to fear being undermined and become more coercive toward the minority group in the long run.

Overall, improvements for the Kurds have not been linear. Peace negotiations are currently underway, though many believe them to be insincere. When looking at the regime’s other policies towards opposition, journalists, and students, it’s easy to be pessimistic. 

What gaps do you feel need to be addressed in your research field, and what do you anticipate you will study more in the future?

In the intellectual circles I have been a part of, academics tend to come from a political science background. I’m more interested in bringing in cultural and sociological perspectives, such as through discussions of social class or different ethnic groups. My research will continue to unite multi-disciplinary ideas to gain a deeper understanding of authoritarian regimes.

Could you elaborate further on your research into youth participation?

Currently, I’m working on a project comparing the U.S. and Turkey to better understand youth political behavior. In the recent elections in both countries, there was a lot of emphasis on the youth voice as a counter-authoritarian force, but this prediction did not necessarily hold true. In the US, many were persuaded by Trump’s agenda, especially young men. It’s important not to generalize too much when studying youth, as they are as diverse as the rest of the population. Still, there are notable trends among young people to monitor, like the Turkish youth’s growing secularism and how that might impact the Islamist parties’ power. 

You’ve discussed the importance of recognizing the impact of class when conducting research. How do you think politicians have capitalized on class to maintain power in Turkey, and is the opposition or current regime more supported by the working class?

The Islamist parties have been most known to garner support from lower economic groups. While the main opposition party is relearning how to succeed among the working class, it would be an overstatement to assume this shift has significantly expanded beyond the local level at this point.

President Erdogan was able to amass power by garnering support from the poor, going door-to-door and engaging in bottom-up efforts to get their votes. Now, opposition leaders appear to be learning from these strategies, leading to improved outcomes so far.
 

Lastly, what books would you recommend for students interested in a research career in your field?

I may be expected to recommend political science books, but it is American sociologist Richard Sennett who especially influenced me early in my career. He focuses on how big social changes affect individuals. His book, The Hidden Injuries of Class, shaped my understanding of how social class is not just a reflection of an individual’s position in society, but also influences one’s sense of self. He also wrote Respect in a World of Inequality about how changes in the economy and labor market influence individuals. Sennet’s work successfully approaches issues in a humane, historical, and power-conscious way.

Albania | Colombia | Democratic Republic of Congo | Egypt | Ethiopia | Ghana | India | Kazakhstan | Kenya | Kyrgyzstan | Mongolia | Pakistan | Russia | Senegal | Tibet | Turkey | Ukraine | Venezuela

ALBANIA
 

Lisjana Hila is an expert in financial sector development and economic growth, with a strong track record leading EU- and OECD-backed initiatives to improve SME access to finance across Libya, Montenegro, Uganda, and Palestine. She specializes in strengthening financial ecosystems, supporting regulatory reforms, and fostering private sector competitiveness in emerging markets. Lisjana holds an International MBA from Paris School of Business and a Master’s in Finance and Insurance from the University of Turin. She is fluent in Albanian, Italian, English, and French, with basic knowledge of Arabic.

COLOMBIA
 

Paloma Valencia has served as a Colombian senator since 2014. One of the strongest voices opposing President Petro’s leftist government, she is frequently cited as one of Colombia’s top senators. She currently sits on the First Commission, serves as co-president of the Senate’s Peace Commission, and is vice-president of the Human Rights Commission. Valencia has authored legislation that reduces bureaucracy for small businesses, supports artisanal liquor production, and redirects mining royalties toward environmental protection. A strong advocate for state austerity, she also champions the rights of single mothers, coffee growers, and farmers. Her reform efforts span public administration, the justice system, and political institutions. She holds degrees in law, philosophy, and economics from Universidad de Los Andes and earned a Master’s in Creative Writing from NYU.

DEMOCRATIC REPUBLIC OF CONGO
 

Jean Pierre Okenda is a distinguished lawyer, activist, and senior analyst in extractive industries governance. He holds a master’s degree in law and currently serves as Executive Director of Sentinel Natural Resources. A strong advocate for participatory governance and human rights in the extractive sector, Okenda has made a lasting impact through legal and policy reforms. In 2018, he played a key role in the commission responsible for reforming the Democratic Republic of Congo’s mining laws, helping to introduce provisions for equitable wealth sharing with affected communities. In recognition of his leadership in combating corruption, he was named one of the 100 most influential Africans in 2022. 

EGYPT
 

Tamer Elnahas is a political strategist and writer. With leadership roles in multiple parties, including the Egyptian Social Democratic Party and Masr El-Gedida (New Egypt), he has shaped grassroots mobilization efforts and electoral strategies. As a fierce advocate for democracy, he challenges authoritarian narratives through his widely read political analysis. Alongside his activism, Elnahas is an assistant professor and an expert in reproductive health.
 

Waleed Shawky is a political activist and researcher with over a decade of experience in democratic movements. He co-founded the April 6 Youth Movement, which played a key role in the 2011 Egyptian revolution, contributing to its strategic planning and digital communications. He holds a Master of Public Administration from Harvard Kennedy School and writes for MadaMasr, AlManasa, and the Journal of Democracy.

ETHIOPIA
 

Tigist Hailu Asfawossen is a peace, security, and strategic communications expert with 20+ years of experience in peace work in Africa. She currently leads strategic communications at the Intergovernmental Authority on Development (IGAD), focusing on high-stakes diplomatic processes and translating conflict analysis into actionable insights. She led communications for IGAD’s South Sudan mediation process and numerous preventive diplomacy missions. A member of the African Union’s FEMWISE-Africa network and an international election observer, she is also a certified trainer in Conflict Prevention, Management, and Resolution (CPMR). She holds an MA in International Politics from the University of Bradford.

GHANA
 

Bright Sowu has over 10 years’ experience in anti-corruption and good governance. He currently serves as a Principal Staff Officer at Ghana’s Office of the Special Prosecutor, focusing on research and programs. Bright has previously worked with the Ghana Anti-Corruption Coalition, the European Union, the Japanese Embassy, and the University of Ghana. He has also worked as an anti-corruption consultant with Project Expedite Justice - Sudan, the UNCAC Coalition in Vienna, and ERGO, a New York consultancy firm. Bright is a course facilitator on “Democracy and Good Governance” for the Daakye Youth Fellowship. He holds an MPhil in Development Studies from the University of Cambridge, U.K.

INDIA
 

Hemakshi Meghani is the co-founder of the Indian School of Democracy (ISD), an organization dedicated to nurturing principled political leaders. She led ISD from its inception in 2018 until 2024. A World Bank Graduate Scholar, she earned her Master’s in Public Policy from the Harvard Kennedy School. Hemakshi began her career as a Teach For India fellow and later worked on education policy with Indus Action and the Boston Consulting Group. She has facilitated global leadership forums and is an Echoing Green Fellow, Acumen Foundry member, and a Dalai Lama Fellow. She is currently reimagining her work to advance inclusive democracy and increase women’s representation in politics.
 

Kastaurika Saikia is a development consultant from India, with over a decade of experience driving public sector initiatives across diverse domains — urban governance, public health, livelihoods, youth skilling, and gender equity. She holds a Master’s degree in Policy and Governance studies, and specialises in public policy analysis and implementation. Based in Assam, she has engaged with government departments to strengthen service delivery and social programs. She currently leads a regional skilling and self-learning initiative for youth in Northeast India, in partnership with the Skill India Mission. Kastaurika is committed to reducing structural inequalities and advancing human development.
 

Mukesh Kumar is an IAS officer and currently serves as Secretary of State Planning and Development for the Government of Jharkhand. He holds degrees from Patna University, Jawaharlal Nehru University, Delhi University, and IMT Ghaziabad. He played a crucial role in ensuring peaceful elections in Maoist-affected regions, demonstrating strong skills in negotiation, persuasion, and stakeholder collaboration. His “Paint My City” campaign—praised by the Prime Minister of India in Mann Ki Baat—exemplifies his dedication to community engagement and cultural preservation. Mukesh has also mobilized 25,000 tribal women into sustainable enterprises, contributing significantly to their economic empowerment. His efforts have earned him several honors, including the Skoch Award and the Bharat Gaurav Award.

KAZAKHSTAN
 

Dimash Alzhanov is a prominent political analyst and consultant. He holds an MSc in Comparative Politics (Democracy) from the London School of Economics and Political Science and possesses broad expertise in elections and democratization. Since 2014, he has served as a Political and Campaign Finance Analyst with the OSCE/ODIHR on numerous elections, including those in Moldova, Montenegro, Bulgaria, Ukraine, Georgia, Italy, and Malta. Since 2019, he has initiated and managed various projects aimed at promoting political reforms and increasing political participation in Kazakhstan. He recently published a chapter in a book about party politics in authoritarian Kazakhstan.

KENYA
 

Caren Wakoli is the Founder and Executive Director of the Emerging Leaders Foundation (ELF-Africa), a nonprofit organization dedicated to supporting and accompanying young women and men in achieving meaningful, dignified, and impactful participation in governance, the economy, and public affairs at all levels of society. She is a consummate storyteller and believes in the power of stories to advance authentic leadership for sustainable development. With over 22 years of experience in governance, democracy, and youth development, Caren has established herself as a visionary leader in Africa and beyond. She is also a champion for well-being because she believes that well-being facilitates well-doing.
 

Winnie Masai is a dedicated human rights activist from Kenya with over 15 years of experience in media, human rights, and governance. As Executive Director of InformAction, she spearheads initiatives using film, community dialogue, and civic action to promote meaningful change. A founding board member of the Civic Freedoms Forum, she is committed to protecting civic space. Winnie empowers grassroots organizations through the Haki Ni Yetu Coalition and is on the board of the Midriff Hurinet. With a Master of Philosophy and a BSc. in Information Sciences from Moi University, she is passionate about fostering innovation and collaboration to inspire collective action within diverse communities.

KYRGYZSTAN
 

Ernis Isamatov has a strong background in democracy, development, human rights, and the rule of law, with extensive experience in addressing governance challenges. He leads the Trial Monitoring Project, which focuses on high-level corruption and organized crime, advancing transparency and accountability. Isamatov has successfully managed initiatives across the Western Balkans and Central Asia, including roles with OSCE field missions in Skopje and Dushanbe. As a results-driven professional with excellent analytical, reporting, and communication skills, he combines global perspectives with deep local knowledge, advocating for democratic reforms.

MONGOLIA
 

Nagi Otgonshar currently serves as a Member of Parliament in Mongolia. He was elected from the Mongolian People’s Party, the country’s ruling social democratic party, where he previously served as International Secretary. Before entering Parliament, he served as Vice Minister of Mining and prior to that, Senior Advisor to the Chief Cabinet Secretary, Government of Mongolia. He also worked as an investment banker at Bank of America Merrill Lynch in New York and Sydney, covering the natural resources sector in the Asia-Pacific region. Nagi holds an MBA from Harvard Business School, a BA in Economics from Macalester College, and is a Young Global Leader selected by the World Economic Forum.

PAKISTAN
 

Dr. Sara Sarwar is a Deputy Collector of Customs and a qualified medical doctor (MBBS) who transitioned into Pakistan’s civil service to drive institutional reform and advance trade policy. With a career spanning key leadership roles in customs, she has led transformative initiatives focused on regulatory transparency, digitalization, and revenue integrity. Her work emphasizes process optimization, anti-corruption measures, and sustainable trade facilitation, earning her recognition from both the World Customs Organization and the Federal Board of Revenue. She brings a results-driven, policy-focused approach to public sector leadership and economic governance.

RUSSIA
 

Grigory Vaypan is a Russian human rights lawyer and scholar. He is a Senior Lawyer at Memorial, Russia's oldest human rights group and co-recipient of the 2022 Nobel Peace Prize. At Memorial, Grigory carries out litigation, legal research, and legal advocacy on human rights, the rule of law, and transitional justice in Russia. He has over a decade of experience in strategic litigation before the Constitutional Court of Russia and the European Court of Human Rights. Grigory holds his first law degree from Moscow State University, an LL.M. from Harvard Law School, and a Ph.D. in International Law from Saint Petersburg State University.
 

Mark Ten is the CEO of TV Rain (Dozhd), Russia’s largest independent television channel, now based in Amsterdam. He led the company’s relocation and relaunch after its closure by Russian authorities in 2022. Previously, he led, scaled, and sold Sports.ru, Russia’s leading sports media platform. He was named to Forbes Russia’s 30 Under 30. At Dozhd, he oversees editorial, business, and product strategy, focusing on digital transformation and international growth. He holds a degree in sociology and works on projects supporting independent media and innovation.

SENEGAL
 

Malick Mbengue Fall is a Program Manager for the Democratic Futures in Africa Program at the Open Society Foundations, based in Dakar, Senegal. He joined OSF over a decade ago and has previously served in key roles at Open Society Africa and OSIWA, supporting initiatives that promote electoral integrity, economic justice, and human rights across the continent. Malick is a development professional with fourteen years of experience in the philanthropy sector, particularly in Africa. He holds a master’s in political science from Gaston Berger University.

TIBET
 

Tenzin Jigdal is a Member of the Tibetan Parliament-in-Exile, serving on both the Standing and Political Affairs Committees. With over a decade of experience in nonprofit management, he specializes in advocating for Tibet and global human rights. He has successfully led international campaigns, built strategic partnerships, and engaged with diverse stakeholders, including Tibetan civil society organizations and the Central Tibetan Administration (CTA). Driven by a passion for social change, Tenzin is dedicated to advancing the Tibetan movement through innovative outreach, capacity-building, and policy advocacy.

TURKEY
 

Bilal Bilici is a Member of the Turkish Parliament representing Adana. He began his political career with the IYI Party, where he served as the U.S. representative. As of August 2024, he continues his political work with the main opposition party in Turkey, the Republican People’s Party (CHP). A Boston University Economics graduate, he also holds a Master’s in Global Affairs from Bahcesehir University. He has worked at Accenture and Ernst & Young, and served as Vice President of the Turkish-Central American/Caribbean Business Council at DEIK, also sitting on its Turkish-Uzbek Council. He was elected to Parliament in 2023.

UKRAINE*
 

Polina Aldoshyna is a Ukrainian lawyer and civic leader with over nine years of experience in law, public administration, and nonprofit management. She currently leads the BGV Charity Fund, where she oversees social projects that support vulnerable communities. In addition, she serves as a Deputy of the Zhytomyr Regional Council, focusing on local governance and social policy. Throughout her career, Polina has managed over 60 humanitarian projects, including the establishment of psychosocial support centers and aid programs for displaced individuals and veterans.
 

Oleksii Movchan is a Member of the Ukrainian Parliament and Deputy Chairman of the Verkhovna Rada Committee on Economic Development, representing the “Servant of the People” faction. He chairs the subcommittee on public procurements and state property management, and is active in inter-parliamentary groups with the USA, UK, Japan, and others. Before parliament, he led projects at Prozorro.Sale. Oleksii holds degrees from Kyiv-Mohyla Academy, Ukrainian Catholic University, and Kyiv School of Economics. He has advanced key reforms in procurements, state-owned companies, and privatization to support Ukraine’s European Union integration.
 

Maria Golub is a recognized expert on Ukraine’s European and Euro-Atlantic integration, with deep expertise in EU-Ukraine bilateral relations. Based in Brussels, she currently serves as a Senior Political and Policy Advisor to Ukrainian leadership, where she advocates for a just and lasting peace in Ukraine and supports the country’s advancement along the EU integration path through a decisive reform agenda. She is also actively involved in shaping Ukraine’s reconstruction strategy and is a strong proponent of the “build back better” principle, championing an ambitious revival plan for the country.
 

Alyona Nevmerzhytska is CEO of hromadske.ua, Ukraine’s leading independent online media platform. She began her career in 2012 at the Kyiv Post and has since focused on business development and organizational strategy. At hromadske, she has enhanced audience engagement and strengthened data-driven decision-making. Committed to building sustainable models for independent media, she ensures ethical newsroom operations and promotes democratic values. She is a graduate of the Stockholm School of Economics, an Atlantic Council Millennium Fellow, and a 2024 McCain Institute Global Leader.
 

*These fellows are jointly participating in CDDRL’s Strengthening Ukrainian Democracy and Development Program.

VENEZUELA
 

Isabella Picón Ball is a Venezuelan social activist, researcher, and consultant. She holds an undergraduate degree in Political Science from Northwestern University, an MSc in Political Communications from the London School of Economics (LSE), and is a Chevening Scholar. She actively participated in the 2017 and 2019 civil resistance campaigns against the dictatorship of Nicolas Maduro, co-founding @LaboCiudadano and helping it become an organization and activist collective that promotes nonviolent action. She is now part of Labo's board of advisors. In 2024, she and other political and social activists led the initiative Toma El Control, a campaign and platform aimed at promoting civic organizing and youth participation in the 2024 Presidential Elections.
 

Lilian Tintori is a certified coach, human rights advocate, and founder of “Free Them,” the Political Prisoner Program of the World Liberty Congress. A Venezuelan living in exile in Spain, she supports families of political prisoners and leads international advocacy for their release. She holds degrees from Universidad Católica Andrés Bello and completed leadership training at IE Madrid. The “Free Them” program is grounded in Pathway to Freedom, a handbook she helped develop with interdisciplinary experts to equip families with tools to secure the release of their loved ones. She also coaches leaders through IESE Business School and the Human Rights Foundation, providing emotional support and enhancing mental health.