Democracy
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Lyuba's Hope film poster

Lyuba’s Hope follows Lyubov Sobol, a Russian anti-war opposition politician and anti-corruption figure, who has endured repeated arrests, hunger strikes, aborted political campaigns, attempted poisoning, and exile in her pursuit of a democratic post-Putin Russia.

As head of Alexei Navalny’s Anti-Corruption Foundation, Sobol advanced pathbreaking investigations, including that of “Putin’s cook,” Prigozhin. In 2026, she was among the fifteen Russian opposition figures admitted to the European Parliament PACE program.

Lyuba, who was a 2022 Visiting Scholar at Stanford’s Center on Democracy, Development and the Rule of Law (CDDRL), will join us in person for the screening of Lyuba’s Hope, along with noted Russian-American director Marianna Yarovskaya and Paul Gregory, Hoover Research Fellow and producer. Discussion will be moderated by Kathryn Stoner, Mosbacher Director of CDDRL and Satre Family Senior Fellow at the Freeman Spogli Institute for International Studies.

Gregory and Yarovskaya’s previous film collaboration, Women of the Gulag, was shortlisted for an Academy Award in 2018.

This event is sponsored by the Hoover History Lab, in partnership with the Center on Democracy, Development and the Rule of Law, the Center for Russian, East European and Eurasian Studies, and the Department of Slavic Languages and Literatures.
 

Logos for Hoover History Lab, CREEES, and CDDRL

Hauck Auditorium, David and Joan Traitel Building of the Hoover Institution
435 Lasuen Mall, Stanford (map)

Film running time: 80 mins. Discussion to follow.

Questions? Please contact rsvp-weisfeld@stanford.edu

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CDDRL Visiting Scholar, 2022
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Lyubov Sobol is a Russian political and public figure. She consistently advocates the democratization of Russia and opposes Putin's policies.

She produces the YouTube channel "Navalny Live" of Alexei Navalny (more than 2.7 million subscribers, more than 90 million views per month, of which more than 20 million unique viewers).

She participated in the election campaign for the Moscow City Duma in 2019 and the State Duma of Russia in 2021 but was illegally admitted because of her political position: opposing the actions of the current government.

In May 2018 she became a member of the Central Council of Alexei Navalny's political party Russia of the Future.

Sobol was a lawyer for the Anti-Corruption Foundation until its closure in 2021.

Lyubov Sobol
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Israeli supreme court
Aerial view of Israel's Supreme Court | Getty Images

On January 4, 2023, the newly elected government led by longtime Prime Minister, Benjamin Netanyahu, unveiled its “judicial reform”: a plan to legislate four constitutional amendments that would effectively dismantle the existing checks on the power of the executive.

Despite having a solid majority in parliament, just one of these amendments passed into law — and was quickly struck down by the Supreme Court. The four amendments were introduced as the reform’s “first phase;” a second phase was never announced.

At the core of this achievement was a small, ad-hoc group of concerned former public servants and activists. Under the group's leadership, initial anti-government protests quickly metastasized into the largest protest movement in Israel’s history. The small leadership group became the Protest Headquarters — a well-oiled protest machine with a full-time staff and thousands of volunteers from 200 organizations. At its peak, the movement had 400,000 people marching in the streets of a country with a population of 10 million.

What were the keys to the Protest Headquarters’ success? In this panel, we ask this of three key members of the Protest Headquarters. We will discuss the mechanisms that enabled its growth, the challenges and lessons learned from the movement, and the future prospects for Israeli democracy, with attention to dilemmas as Israelis return to the polls in late 2026.
 

More About the Speakers:


Yossi Kucik previously held several senior positions in the Israeli public sector, including Director-General of the Prime Minister’s Office, Commissioner of Wages at the Ministry of Finance, and Director-General of the Ministry of Aliyah and Immigrant Absorption, among other key roles. Following his public service career, Kucik transitioned into the private sector. He currently serves as Chairman of Direct Insurance Group, one of Israel’s leading financial groups. In addition, he owns two consulting firms: one specializing in Media strategy and the other focused on compensation and wage consulting. Kucik is also extensively involved in public and social initiatives. He serves as Chairman of Beit Yigal Allon and is a member of the Presidium of the Israel Democracy Institute, among several other public leadership roles. In January 2023, Kucik, together with Orni Petruschka, Dan Halutz, and Yehuda Eder, established the headquarters of the protest movement opposing the Netanyahu government’s proposed judicial overhaul, which they viewed as a threat to Israeli democratic institutions. Joined by additional public figures and activists, the headquarters played a pivotal role in the movement, bringing millions of Israelis to the streets in protest and successfully halting significant parts of the proposed legislation affecting Israel’s democratic framework. Kucik holds an MBA from the Hebrew University, is married to Nirit, a father of three, and a grandfather of four.

Orni Petruschka works to make Israel an open, liberal, and democratic society for all its citizens. In recent years, Orni has been a social entrepreneur. He co-founded the Resistance Headquarters against the current Israeli government; initiated several activities to promote philanthropy, especially for supporting liberal-democracy causes; and was involved in activities for advancing a two-state solution to the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. In addition, Orni co-chairs the Abraham Initiatives, an NGO which promotes equality and inclusion for Israel’s Arab citizens, and serves as Chairman of the Board of Molad — the Center for the Renewal of Israeli Democracy. Previously, Orni served as a fighter pilot in the Israeli Air Force, studied electrical engineering at the Technion and at Cornell University, and had a career as a technology entrepreneur, having started and managed two successful telecom equipment companies that were successfully acquired, one of which was considered a landmark transaction for Israeli high tech. Orni lives in Ramat Gan; he is married and a father of 3 daughters.

Adv. Dina Zilber, former Deputy Attorney General of Israel, is regarded as one of the country’s leading jurists. During her eight-year tenure as Deputy Attorney General (2012–2020), Adv. Zilber was responsible for providing ongoing legal counsel to the government and its various ministries on a wide range of complex, sensitive, and highly consequential matters, and for shaping the Attorney General’s positions across many areas within her responsibility. Prior to this appointment, Adv. Zilber served for 16 years as a senior attorney in the High Court of Justice Department at the State Attorney’s Office, where she represented the State before the Israeli Supreme Court in more than 1,600 petitions concerning major public importance. Adv. Zilber has authored two books: Bureaucracy as Politics (2006) and In the Name of the Law: The Attorney General and the Affairs that Shook the State (2012). She also initiated and edited an additional volume titled Roots in Law, published in honor of Israel’s 70th anniversary — a panoramic collection surveying the development of Israeli legal practice from the founding of the state to the present day, written by legal professionals from across all generations and departments of the Ministry of Justice. Adv. Zilber has received numerous public honors and awards, including the “Women at the Forefront” Award in the Government and Politics category (2017); the Leon Charney Award of Recognition from the Deborah Forum – Women in Foreign Policy and National Security (2018); the Transparency Shield Award from Transparency International Israel (2019); the Gorny Award for Public Sector Jurists (2020); and the Knight of Quality Government Award in the Executive Branch category (2020). Adv. Zilber holds an LL.M. with honors from Tel Aviv University. Over the years, she has taught undergraduate and graduate law students at various academic institutions. She lectures extensively in public and professional forums, and regularly publishes both legal scholarship and opinion articles in the press. Since the onset of Israel's judicial overhaul, she has also served as a key member of the Protest Headquarters Advisory Board.
 

About the Series


Lessons from Global Democratic Resistance is a public panel series that brings together frontline activists, civic leaders, institutional actors, and field‑informed scholars to examine how democratic actors have resisted, responded to, and learned from democratic backsliding across countries. The series aims to identify practical lessons and comparative insights for those defending democracy today and is organized by the Ash Center for Democratic Governance at the Harvard Kennedy School in collaboration with the Cornell Center on Global Democracy; Perry World House at the University of Pennsylvania; the Kellogg Institute for International Studies at the University of Notre Dame; the Democratic Futures Project at the University of Virginia; Stanford’s Center on Democracy, Development and the Rule of Law; and the Carnegie Endowment for International Peace.
 

Event Details


This event is online only, and registration is required. A recording will be made available after the event’s conclusion. The information collected in the registration form is for internal use only and will not be shared externally.

Amichai Magen
Amichai Magen

Online via Zoom. Registration is required.

For questions, please contact israelstudies@stanford.edu.

Yossi Kucik
Orni Petruschka
Dina Zilber
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Surina Naran
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Katherine Casey, professor of political economy at Stanford Graduate School of Business and the faculty director of the King Center on Global Development, presented her team’s work in a CDDRL Research Seminar on Thursday, May 7. Casey opened her talk establishing that citizen esteem for politicians is on the decline. In the U.S., only 16 percent trust the federal government. Across 30 African countries, while 75 percent believe elections are the best way to choose leaders, only 37 percent are satisfied with how their democracies are working. Casey asserts that the root of this dissatisfaction runs deep, ultimately posing the question: how can high-human-capital, representative individuals be identified, screened, encouraged to run for office, and brought into consideration by political parties? 

Casey’s team examined local governance in Sierra Leone to answer this question, partnering with government and civil society to test an intervention designed to induce candidate entry. The field experiment was a nationwide, randomized controlled trial covering all fourteen local district councils in Sierra Leone. The team chose to focus on local councils because the barriers to entry are low, the work requires competence but is not particularly specialized, and its part-time nature allows candidates to run without quitting their day jobs. The experiment included two rounds of random assignment and implementation. 

The experiment focused on three headline factors: representation, quality, and gatekeeping. During the representation phase, the field team visited villages and spoke with residents to better understand who they would want to represent them. These nominees were then screened for quality using metrics for human capital, work experience, local experience, managerial capital, and conscientiousness. After this screening, candidates' profiles were sent to political parties. Of those nominated at the representation level, 85 percent were willing to share their profiles, and 89 percent said they were interested in running for office. 

When conducting analysis, Casey’s team found that top nominees from the representation stage score higher than both status quo applicants and incumbents on quality metrics, differences that are large in magnitude and highly statistically significant. Many top nominees came from traditional authority lineages, and many work in education, positioning them as alternative elites. Among lower-ranked nominees, only 16 percent ultimately entered electoral races, but this rate rose to 25 percent among top-ranked nominees.  Their entry enhanced the maximum observed quality of applicants in the potential candidate pool.

Analysis was then conducted to determine whether the parties selected any nominees from the profiles, which found that nearly all wards had at least one candidate selected and that nominations increased the likelihood that a local woman would make the candidate list.  Incumbents were highly favored in this election, leaving little space for new entrants to win elected seats.

Casey ended her talk with a few conclusions. Firstly, the intervention successfully identified popular, high-quality, new entrants to politics, drawn from a different set of elites. The nominees self-selected into the entry on quality, boasting the highest observed quality among applicants and selected candidates, which also showed that representation need not trade off quality. Casey’s team also found a challenge in translating willingness to run into formal applications, a challenge she believes could be honed in on with more recruitment efforts. Ultimately, the collaboration between research and policymakers crafted a unique model to empower dissatisfied voters to nominate leaders they want to see in office. 

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Katherine Case presented her research in a CDDRL seminar on May 7, 2026.
Katherine Case presented her research in a CDDRL seminar on May 7, 2026. | Surina Naran
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Katherine Casey’s research finds that while community nominations can surface strong entrants, barriers to candidacy remain.

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  • Katherine Casey presented research examining how to identify and encourage high-quality candidates to run for local office.
  • A nationwide field experiment in Sierra Leone found community nominations surfaced candidates who outperformed incumbents on key quality measures.
  • While top nominees were more likely to enter races, party preferences for incumbents limited new candidates’ electoral success.
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In October 2025, the Democracy Action Lab (DAL) celebrated its launch in Mexico City, marking the beginning of a bold new initiative by Stanford University’s Center on Democracy, Development and the Rule of Law (CDDRL). Anchored within Stanford’s Freeman Spogli Institute for International Studies (FSI), DAL is co-directed by Professors Beatriz Magaloni, the Graham H. Stuart Professor of International Relations and FSI Senior Fellow, and Alberto Díaz-Cayeros, FSI Senior Fellow at CDDRL.

DAL seeks to bridge rigorous academic research with the practical challenges faced by activists, policymakers, and civic leaders confronting democratic backsliding around the world. Mexico City was chosen for the launch for both symbolic and substantive reasons: it is one of Latin America’s foremost intellectual hubs and home to one of the region’s most vibrant civil society ecosystems.

But the decision to launch DAL in Mexico City also reflects the Lab’s deep commitment to maintaining an active presence in Latin America and to forging meaningful, long-term connections between Stanford and the region. Understanding democratic backsliding and resilience in Latin America requires grounding analysis in rigorous evidence and empirical research, and in close collaboration with local scholars, universities, civil society organizations, and democratic actors. By beginning our public journey in CDMX, Stanford’s Democracy Action Lab signals its intent to co-produce knowledge with regional partners and to engage directly with democracy defenders on the front lines.

Over three days, the DAL team met with one of the newly appointed Supreme Court Justices, members of the board of electoral authorities, a panel of security experts, and held meetings with academics and civil society partners. The centerpiece of the visit was a public inaugural conference with a keynote session by Adam Przeworksi and Beatriz Magaloni at El Colegio de Mexico, one of Mexico’s most prestigious academic institutions. Together, these engagements reflected the Lab’s central mission: to co-create actionable, evidence-based strategies that help societies defend, renew, and reimagine democracy amid the pressures of erosion and authoritarian resilience.

Below are some of the most significant activities from the series of events that marked the Democracy Action Lab’s launch in Mexico. The Lab’s launch is made possible through the support of VélezReyes+ and the Zampa Foundation.
 



Meeting with Minister Giovanni Figueroa — Supreme Court of Justice of the Nation


On October 29, the DAL delegation, led by Professors Magaloni and Díaz-Cayeros, along with Kim Juárez, a research affiliate at DAL, was received at Mexico’s Supreme Court of Justice by Minister Giovanni Figueroa. Justice Figueroa is one of the nine Supreme Court judges, one of the first ministers to reach the bench under Mexico's new constitutional reform, which, for the first time in the country's history, requires all federal judges to be chosen by direct popular vote.

Minister Figueroa, a distinguished constitutional scholar, has long advocated for a judiciary that is accessible, socially responsive, and attuned to Mexico’s constitutional challenges. The dialogue examined the capacity of constitutional courts to defend democratic principles in increasingly polarized environments, with particular attention to Mexico’s new judicial reform that introduces popular elections for all judges. These developments echo the broader questions explored in DAL’s comparative work on the resilience and design of rule-of-law institutions. The visit to the Mexican Supreme Court also included a tour of the “Un clamor por la justicia. Siete crímenes mayores” by Rafael Cauduro.

For the DAL team, this meeting set the tone for the visit: connecting high-level constitutional debates to the Lab’s broader effort to fortify and reconfigure democratic institutions from within.

Dr. Alberto Díaz Cayeros, Dr. Beatriz Magaloni, Justice Giovanni Figueroa, and Mr. Kim Juarez at the Supreme Court
Dr. Alberto Díaz Cayeros, Dr. Beatriz Magaloni, Justice Giovanni Figueroa, and Mr. Kim Juarez at the Supreme Court. | Manuel Ortiz


Roundtable on Security and the “Bukele Model” — Hosted by Lantia and Eduardo Guerrero


One of the trip’s most dynamic discussions took place at El Colegio de México on October 30, where DAL co-hosted a closed-door roundtable on security and authoritarian drift in Latin America. Organized by Lantia Consultores and security expert Eduardo Guerrero, the session convened some of the leading experts on security in Mexico.

Participants included public security policymakers of the highest level, including police chiefs, cabinet advisors, journalists, and scholars, who debated the appeal and risks of the so-called “Bukele Model” — the Salvadoran government’s aggressive anti-crime strategy — within the Mexican context. The conversation, held under Chatham House rules, examined how citizen demand for security can erode democratic checks and liberties if not balanced by institutional safeguards.

The security meeting discussion centered on Beatriz Magaloni’s presentation of her field research on El Salvador’s “Bukele model” of public security and its broader implications for Latin America. Magaloni explained how President Nayib Bukele’s approach — initially framed as a successful anti-crime policy — rests on prolonged states of exception, mass arbitrary detentions, and fabricated arrests incentivized through police quotas and bounties. She described widespread abuses inside Salvadoran prisons, where thousands of innocent civilians, many poor and rural, are detained without due process and subjected to inhumane conditions.

This exchange epitomized DAL’s commitment to generating cross-sectoral, evidence-based dialogue that bridges policy, academia, and civic engagement — helping Latin American societies navigate the tension between security and democracy.

Participants compared these dynamics to Mexico’s own prison system and warned that similar practices could take root in democracies under pressure. They discussed the popular appeal of punitive “mano dura” policies, the risk of their normalization in fragile democracies, and the absence of credible alternatives in citizen security policy. The group emphasized the need for rights-based, community-centered models of public safety, stronger rule of law, and social prevention measures. The conversation concluded with a shared concern that the Bukele model’s political success could inspire copycat versions across the region — including in Mexico — if democratic actors fail to deliver both security and justice simultaneously.

Dr. Beatriz Magaloni, Tara Hein (DAL research affiliate, PhD Candidate at Harvard, and CDDRL Fisher Family Honors Class of 2023), Tamara Taraciuk (Vice President for Democracy at the VélezReyes+ Philanthropic Platform), and Dr. Alberto Díaz-Cayeros at El Colegio de México.
Dr. Beatriz Magaloni, Tara Hein (DAL research affiliate, PhD Candidate at Harvard, and CDDRL Fisher Family Honors Class of 2023), Tamara Taraciuk (Vice President for Democracy at VélezReyes+), and Dr. Alberto Díaz-Cayeros at El Colegio de México. | Alberto Díaz-Cayeros
Security expert Eduardo Guerrero, Dr. Beatriz Magaloni, Dr. Alberto Díaz-Cayeros, and Dr. Adam Prezworski during the closed-door security roundtable, held under Chatham House rules at El Colegio de México.
Security expert Eduardo Guerrero, Dr. Beatriz Magaloni, Dr. Alberto Díaz-Cayeros, and Dr. Adam Prezworski during the closed-door security roundtable, held under Chatham House rules at El Colegio de México. | Manuel Ortiz


Inaugural Conference at El Colegio de México: “A Half-Century After the Third Wave of Democratization”


The centerpiece of the launch was the public inaugural conference, held in the Alfonso Reyes Auditorium at El Colegio de México (Colmex) on October 30, one of Latin America’s premier academic institutions.

The event was co-hosted by Colmex’s Centro de Estudios Internacionales (CEI) and featured welcoming remarks from Dr. Ana Covarrubias Velasco, President of Colmex, who highlighted that the partnership “marks a new chapter in the internationalization of our work and our shared commitment to the study and defense of democracy.”

Professor Alberto Díaz-Cayeros presented DAL's mission, describing it as “a response to the global democratic crisis — an initiative that seeks to co-create, alongside those on the frontlines of democratic defense, new analytical tools and strategic responses to authoritarian threats.

Tamara Taraciuk, Vice President for Democracy at the VélezReyes+ Philanthropic Platform, one of the initial funders of DAL, emphasized the urgency of moving “from diagnosis to action,” and outlined the foundation’s support for DAL’s mission to connect academic rigor with democratic innovation in Latin America.

The center of the conference was the lectures of professors Adam Przeworski and Beatriz Magaloni, reflecting on “Authoritarianism and Democracy Half a Century After the Third Wave.” 

Adam Przeworski delivered a profound reflection on the conditions under which democracies survive or collapse, drawing on his intellectual journey from witnessing the 1973 coup in Chile to observing today’s democratic crises in the United States. He contrasted two conceptions of democracy: the maximalist vision, which aspires to equality and justice, and the minimalist or procedural one, centered on competition and the peaceful alternation of power.

Based on decades of comparative research, Przeworski explained that democracies tend to endure in wealthy societies with repeated peaceful transfers of power, where political stakes are relatively moderate. Yet, the U.S. case challenges this logic: despite meeting these conditions, its institutions show signs of internal erosion. He called this not only a political crisis but also an intellectual crisis for political science, since classical theories no longer explain contemporary fragility. Przeworski concluded that it is no longer enough to defend democracy; we must reform and reinvent it, combining rigorous inquiry with practical experimentation of the kind advanced by the Democracy Action Lab.

Beatriz Magaloni focused on democratic backsliding in Latin America, emphasizing the cases of El Salvador, Venezuela, and Mexico. She noted that although the region is living through its most democratic era in history, since 2013 it has faced a gradual erosion of liberal institutions — judicial independence, checks and balances, press freedom, and civil rights — driven by democratically elected leaders. Unlike the military coups of the past, today’s threats arise from within the system, through legal reforms and popular mandates that progressively concentrate power.

Magaloni identified the Bukele model in El Salvador as a regional turning point: a democratically elected leader who uses the promise of security to justify authoritarian practices and gains massive popular approval. She argued that citizens’ support for democracy depends not only on normative commitment but also on performance legitimacy — whether democratic regimes deliver security, justice, and economic opportunity. When democracies fail to meet these expectations, authoritarian alternatives gain appeal. Magaloni concluded that defending democracy in Latin America requires restoring citizens’ trust through tangible results, especially in the areas of security, inequality, and public services.

The keynote sessions concluded with a lively exchange between the speakers and the audience, reflecting the strong public interest in the themes of democracy and authoritarianism. Attendees noted that they had rarely seen the Sala Alfonso Reyes so full — an estimated 300 people packed the auditorium, underscoring the significance of the discussion and the enthusiasm surrounding the Democracy Action Lab’s launch in Mexico City.



Reception at Librería and Gallery Miguel Angel Porrúa: A Gathering of Scholars and Civil Society


After the inaugural conference, a special reception was held at Librería Miguel Angel Porrúa, one of the country’s most emblematic cultural spaces and a historic venue for intellectual and civic debate. The event brought together an extraordinary community of scholars, researchers, journalists, civic leaders, and members of civil society organizations working on democracy, human rights, security, and governance across Mexico.

The reception served as more than a celebratory gathering — it was a forum for substantive dialogue. Attendees engaged with DAL’s mission and shared reflections on the urgent challenges facing democracy in Latin America at a time marked by rising political polarization, institutional weakening, and escalating pressures on civic space. The discussions underscored the vital role that empirical research, cross-sector collaboration, and evidence-based policymaking must play in strengthening democratic institutions.

The atmosphere at Porrúa reflected both concern and hope: concern over the democratic erosion sweeping the region, and hope that networks such as DAL can help generate new knowledge, amplify local expertise, and support the resilience of democratic actors in Mexico and beyond. The reception marked an important first step in positioning DAL as a convening platform that listens to, learns from, and engages directly with those shaping the future of democracy on the ground.

Prof. Adam Przeworski talking to reception attendees, including Miguel Ángel Porrúa (front right), founder of the publishing house.
Prof. Adam Przeworski talking to reception attendees, including Miguel Ángel Porrúa (front right), founder of the publishing house. | Manuel Ortiz


Visit to Mexico’s National Electoral Institute (INE)


On October 31, the Democracy Action Lab delegation visited Mexico’s Instituto Nacional Electoral (INE), meeting with Electoral Councilors Carla Humphrey, Claudia Zavala, Martín Faz, Arturo Castillo, and Uuc-kib Espadas Ancon. The dialogue centered on the institution’s enduring role as a cornerstone of Mexico’s democratic transformation.

Created in the wake of Mexico’s transition from single-party dominance to competitive pluralism in the 1990s, INE (formerly IFE) emerged as one of the region’s most trusted electoral authorities — instrumental in ensuring free, transparent, and credible elections after decades of state-controlled contests. Its establishment marked a turning point in Latin America’s third wave of democratization, proving that institutional reform could anchor democratic legitimacy.

During the meeting, participants discussed how INE continues to safeguard electoral independence and citizen trust amid new challenges: political polarization, disinformation, and attempts to weaken autonomous institutions. For the Democracy Action Lab, the visit underscored the importance of institutional integrity as both a historical achievement and a living frontier in the struggle to sustain democracy across the region.

Prof. Adam Przeworski, Prof. Beatriz Magaloni, Prof. Alberto Díaz-Cayeros, Kim Juarez, and Tara Hein in front of the Instituto Nacional Electoral.
Prof. Adam Przeworski, Prof. Beatriz Magaloni, Prof. Alberto Díaz-Cayeros, Kim Juarez, and Tara Hein in front of the Instituto Nacional Electoral. | Manuel Ortiz
Prof. Adam Prezworski and Prof. Beatriz Magaloni at the Instituto Nacional Electoral.
Prof. Adam Prezworski and Prof. Beatriz Magaloni at the Instituto Nacional Electoral. | Manuel Ortiz


Academic Collaborations: Building a Network for Democratic Research


Later that day, the Democracy Action Lab held a working session with the Colmex–Stanford Research Group, bringing together scholars from Colmex. The conversation focused on identifying joint research agendas that could bridge theoretical insights and policy relevance in areas such as democratic resilience, social cohesion, governance, and state capacity. Participants discussed the design of comparative studies on democratic backsliding and institutional trust, as well as methodological strategies — ranging from survey experiments to subnational diagnostics — that could capture how citizens experience and respond to democratic erosion. The session reinforced the shared commitment of Colmex and Stanford to building evidence-based frameworks that inform both academic debate and practical reform.

The visit concluded with a working lunch at ITAM, where the discussion turned toward the economic and institutional dimensions of democratic performance. Faculty members reflected on the intersection between governance quality, inequality, and citizen trust, exploring opportunities for collaboration in the study of fiscal accountability and electoral behavior. These exchanges deepened DAL’s partnerships with Mexico’s leading universities — El Colegio de México and ITAM — and laid the groundwork for a regional academic consortium capable of producing comparative insights and applied tools for democratic renewal across Latin America.

The DAL delegation meets with researchers from ITAM.
The DAL delegation meets with researchers from ITAM. | Manuel Ortiz


Mexico as a Bridge for a Regional Effort


The Mexico City launch of the Democracy Action Lab marked more than the beginning of a new Stanford initiative: it represented a regional call to action.

As Professor Magaloni noted, Latin America today is both a region of growing democratic threats and extraordinary democratic courage. By starting in Mexico, DAL affirms its belief that the defense and reimagination of democracy must be both locally grounded and globally connected.

Through research, dialogue, and partnership, the Democracy Action Lab seeks to build the tools, coalitions, and evidence needed to confront authoritarian resurgence and renew faith in democratic governance, beginning in Latin America and reaching far beyond.

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Prof. Adam Prezworski, Prof. Beatriz Magaloni, and Prof. Alberto Díaz Cayeros present during DAL’s Inaugural Conference at El Colegio de Mexico.
Prof. Adam Prezworski, Prof. Beatriz Magaloni, and Prof. Alberto Díaz Cayeros present during DAL’s Inaugural Conference at El Colegio de Mexico. | Manuel Ortiz
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The new initiative from the Center on Democracy, Development and the Rule of Law connects research with frontline efforts to address democratic backsliding across Latin America.

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  • CDDRL’s Democracy Action Lab celebrated its launch in Mexico City in October 2025, signaling a long-term effort to engage directly with democratic actors across Latin America.
  • The Lab brings together scholars, policymakers, and civil society actors to co-develop evidence-based strategies addressing democratic backsliding in Latin America.
  • Through high-level meetings and a public conference, the launch emphasized regional collaboration to strengthen democratic institutions and public trust.
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As questions about democratic governance, institutional resilience, and authoritarian power become increasingly central to public life around the world, the need for rigorous, accessible scholarship has grown more urgent. Effective May 15, 2026, a new partnership between Stanford’s Center on Democracy, Development and the Rule of Law (CDDRL) and the Journal of Democracy will expand Stanford’s role in those conversations. Through the partnership, CDDRL will support the production of the Journal’s quarterly print issues and expanding digital content, while creating new opportunities for faculty, researchers, and students to contribute to its work. 

Since 1990, the Journal of Democracy has served as a major forum for scholars, policymakers, democratic reformers, and public intellectuals examining how democracy emerges, endures, and comes under strain. Widely regarded as the leading global publication on democratic theory and practice, the Journal has played a central role in shaping debates on democracy worldwide. Previously, the Journal was housed within the National Endowment for Democracy — a private, nonprofit foundation dedicated to the growth and strengthening of democratic institutions around the world. The Journal was co-founded by Larry Diamond, the Mosbacher Senior Fellow in Global Democracy at CDDRL within the Freeman Spogli Institute for International Studies (FSI), who served as founding co-editor for the Journal's first 32 years. 

A natural alignment with CDDRL’s work


The partnership is a natural fit for CDDRL, which brings scholarship and practice together to examine the forces that advance or impede representative governance, human development, and the rule of law. It also builds on long-standing connections between the center and the Journal of Democracy: many CDDRL-affiliated faculty have contributed to the Journal over the years, and its focus closely aligns with the center’s research, teaching, and practitioner training programs. Moreover, CDDRL is already deeply engaged in the kinds of questions the Journal has long brought to wide audiences — whether through the Fisher Family Summer Fellows Program, which brings civil society leaders from developing and transitioning countries to Stanford for intensive training in democratic practice and reform, the Democracy Action Lab’s work on democratic resilience, or the Leadership Academy for Development’s training for leaders advancing good governance and economic development.  

More broadly, the partnership reflects CDDRL’s research and teaching agenda, which focuses on the institutions, ideas, and political forces shaping democratic resilience, authoritarianism, and governance around the world. Across its faculty, fellows, students, and training programs, the center takes an interdisciplinary approach to some of the most pressing questions in global politics — from democratic backsliding and state capacity to political reform and accountability. The Journal of Democracy offers a complementary platform where that work can reach both academic and public audiences.

Connecting research to practice


For Kathryn Stoner, Mosbacher Director of CDDRL and the Satre Family Senior Fellow at FSI, the partnership highlights how CDDRL’s work connects research to the practical challenges facing democracy.

“One of CDDRL’s core strengths is the ability to take high-quality research theories and methods and apply them to on-the-ground policy challenges,” Stoner said. “The Journal of Democracy serves a similar function in the field of political development. Our new partnership to produce the Journal enhances our global reach in both the international development policy and academic communities.”

CDDRL's new partnership to produce the Journal of Democracy enhances our global reach in both the international development policy and academic communities.
Kathryn Stoner
Mosbacher Director, CDDRL, and Satre Family Senior Fellow, FSI

At the institute level, the partnership also reinforces Stanford’s broader role in advancing research and engagement on democracy.

“As the threats to democratic governance around the world multiply, so too must our commitment to the rigorous, interdisciplinary scholarship that seeks to understand and address them,” said Colin Kahl, director of the Freeman Spogli Institute for International Studies. “Bringing the esteemed Journal of Democracy to CDDRL creates a powerful nexus for this vital work, strengthening FSI's role as a global leader in the study of democracy."

At the same time, the partnership comes at a moment of heightened global pressure on democratic institutions, underscoring the importance of the Journal’s role in the field.

“We are now in the twentieth consecutive year of global democratic decline — no longer just a ‘democratic recession,’ but a broader wave of authoritarian reversals,” said Larry Diamond. “Yet the struggle for democracy continues. Now more than ever, we need to understand both the causes of democratic decay and the conditions for recovery and renewal. The Journal of Democracy is unique in combining rigorous scholarship with timely, accessible analysis of developments around the world.”

For Stanford students, the partnership creates a more direct pathway into the world of ideas, publishing, and public scholarship. Through new editorial internships, undergraduates and recent graduate alumni can gain hands-on experience working with a leading journal that bridges scholarship and practice.

It also strengthens Stanford’s intellectual presence in democracy studies by giving CDDRL-affiliated faculty a more formal role in supporting the Journal’s work through serving on its editorial board. Stanford faculty will contribute to the Journal’s editorial mission, inspire new lines of inquiry, and help to identify emerging areas of research to be explored in its pages.

“This partnership with CDDRL is exceptionally exciting for the Journal of Democracy and its readers,” shared Will Dobson, the Journal’s co-editor. “CDDRL is not only the leading research center in the field, but its long history of collaboration with the Journal makes this a natural fit. We are thrilled to be working with CDDRL and with the possibilities this partnership will unlock.”

CDDRL is not only the leading research center in the field, but its long history of collaboration with the Journal makes this a natural fit.
William J. Dobson
Co-editor, Journal of Democracy

With a wide readership and growing digital footprint, the Journal of Democracy reaches audiences across academia, government, journalism, and civil society. It publishes roughly 100 online-exclusive essays each year alongside its quarterly print issues and engages readers through newsletters with more than 20,000 subscribers, across social media, in Apple News, and on leading podcasts. As the most-read journal in the Johns Hopkins University Press portfolio of more than 750 publications, it has become a central venue for ideas about democratic governance and political change worldwide. Through its partnership with CDDRL, the Journal is positioned to expand that reach even further — drawing on Stanford’s research community and global practitioner networks to bring new voices and perspectives into the conversation.

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The partnership will open opportunities for Stanford faculty and students at one of the world's leading forums for democratic thought and practice, and further position CDDRL as a global leader among research centers in the field.

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In Brief
  • Beginning May 2026, CDDRL will support the production of the Journal of Democracy’s quarterly print issues and expanding digital content.
  • The partnership gives Stanford faculty a formal role in shaping the Journal’s editorial direction and offers students hands-on experience in the publishing process.
  • The collaboration links CDDRL’s research and training with a leading global publication, shaping how ideas about democracy are developed and debated worldwide.
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Seoul National Assembly

What does it actually take to push back against democratic backsliding — not in theory, but in real time? On December 3, 2024, President Yoon Suk Yeol declared emergency martial law in violation of the South Korean Constitution. Had key figures from democratic institutions and civil society been even a few minutes slower to respond, the National Assembly could have been sealed off, and martial law might have succeeded.

This discussion will take you inside that night through the voices of those who were there. Bringing together a journalist, legal scholar, human rights advocate, and civil society leader directly involved in the crisis, the panel will examine what made such immediate democratic resilience possible.

Drawing on their experience, speakers will explore: how the media resisted suppression leading up to and during the crisis; the constitutional and political dynamics behind the lifting of martial law and the impeachment process;  how human rights advocates monitored military deployment and conduct; and how civil society rapidly mobilized to build broad democratic solidarity over the impeachment process. This discussion will offer timely lessons for democracies navigating democratic backsliding.
 

Speakers:
 

  • Jeeyang Rhee Baum (Moderator), Adjunct Lecturer in Public Policy and Faculty Affiliate, Harvard Kennedy School
  • Young-jong Jin, Co-Chair, People’s Solidarity for Participatory Democracy, South Korea
  • Jikyung Kim, MBC Journalist, Chair, Gender Equality Committee, National Union of Mediaworkers, South Korea
  • Sang-don Lee, Emeritus Professor of Law, Chung-Ang University, former Member of the National Assembly, South Korea
  • Tae-hoon Lim, Director, Center for Military Human Rights, South Korea
     

About the Series


Lessons from Global Democratic Resistance is a public panel series that brings together frontline activists, civic leaders, institutional actors, and field‑informed scholars to examine how democratic actors have resisted, responded to, and learned from democratic backsliding across countries. The series aims to identify practical lessons and comparative insights for those defending democracy today and is organized by the Ash Center for Democratic Governance at the Harvard Kennedy School in collaboration with the Cornell Center on Global Democracy; Perry World House at the University of Pennsylvania; the Kellogg Institute for International Studies at the University of Notre Dame; the Democratic Futures Project at the University of Virginia; Stanford’s Center on Democracy, Development and the Rule of Law; and the Carnegie Endowment for International Peace.
 

Event Details


This event is online only, and registration is required. A recording will be made available after the event’s conclusion. The information collected in the registration form is for internal use only and will not be shared externally.

The Ash Center encourages individuals with disabilities to participate in its events. Should you wish to enquire about an accommodation, please contact our events team at info@ash.harvard.edu prior to the event.

Online via Zoom. Registration is required.

For questions, please contact info@ash.harvard.edu.

Panel Discussions

Join a discussion on South Korea’s December 3 Martial Law Crisis that will bring you into that night through the firsthand accounts of those who experienced it.

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Venezuela

You are invited to a webinar examining how opposition actors navigated electoral politics under conditions of increasing authoritarian consolidation in Venezuela between 2007 and 2013. Focusing on a period marked by both competitive elections and accelerating institutional erosion, the discussion explores how electoral arenas became sites of resistance, coordination, and strategic adaptation under a popular autocrat.

At the center of the discussion are five key milestones:

  • The 2007 Constitutional Referendum
  • The creation of the opposition coalition Mesa de la Unidad Democrática (MUD) in 2008
  • Subsequent participation and coordination across several local, regional, legislative, and presidential elections
  • The opposition primary elections of 2010–2011
  • The 2012–2013 presidential cycle


Together, these moments illustrate how electoral processes were used not only for contestation, but also for coordination, organizational strengthening and political signaling under increasingly uneven conditions.

The webinar advances three core analytical insights. First, opposition strategy during this period reflects a process of pro-democratic learning. The defeat of the constitutional reform in 2007, followed by the institutionalization of coordination through the MUD and the adoption of primary elections, reveals an evolution toward more unified and strategically coherent forms of engagement.

Second, elections in hybrid regimes can function as tools for containing authoritarian advances. These milestones demonstrate how opposition actors can use electoral arenas to build unity, mobilize constituencies, and impose constraints—however partial—on authoritarian consolidation.

Finally, the Venezuelan case highlights pro-authoritarian learning by the regime. As opposition actors improved coordination and electoral competitiveness, incumbents adapted in turn—deploying institutional, legal, and coercive mechanisms to manage and limit opposition gains. This dynamic underscores the iterative nature of strategic interaction between authoritarian regimes and their challengers.

Bringing together political leaders, practitioners and scholars with direct experience of these processes, the conversation will reflect on the strategic dilemmas of participation, coordination and resistance under authoritarian constraints. The discussion will also consider the broader implications of these lessons for contemporary cases of democratic backsliding.
 

More About the Speakers:
 

  • Isabella Picón (Moderator) is a Ph.D. student in political science at George Washington University, specializing in comparative politics and international relations. Her research examines democratization, civil resistance, and opposition strategies under authoritarian regimes. She is a co-founder of civic initiatives that promote nonviolent action and electoral participation as tools for democratic resistance, including Labo Ciudadano and Toma El Control. She has been a fellow at the Harvard Nonviolent Action Lab and at Stanford University’s Center on Democracy, Development and the Rule of Law. She has a bachelor’s degree from Northwestern University and an M.Sc. from the London School of Economics.
  • Paola Bautista de Alemán is a Venezuelan political scientist, journalist, and opposition leader. A national board member of the Primero Justicia party and director of the Institute of Political Studies FORMA, she has dedicated her career to analyzing authoritarianism and fostering political capacity-building in Venezuela. She is currently in exile, serving as a Visiting Fellow at the Kellogg Institute for International Studies at the University of Notre Dame, where her research centers on political resilience and democracy under authoritarian pressure. She has a bachelor’s degree in social communication from Universidad Católica Andrés Bello in Venezuela and a Ph.D. in political science from Rostock University in Germany.
  • Julio Borges is a Venezuelan lawyer, opposition leader, and former president of the National Assembly. He co-founded the opposition party Primero Justicia and served as president of the National Assembly in 2017. In exile since 2017, he has faced political persecution, arrest warrants, and physical attacks for his opposition to the Maduro regime, while continuing to advocate for constitutional order and a united political front to resist authoritarianism in Venezuela. He holds a law degree from Universidad Católica Andrés Bello, a master’s degree in philosophy from Boston College, a public policy degree from the University of Oxford, and a Ph.D. in Philosophy from Universidad Santo Tomás in Valencia, Spain.
  • Freddy Guevara is a Venezuelan politician and democracy advocate who served as the first vice president of the National Assembly. A co-founder of the Voluntad Popular party, he has endured years of political persecution, imprisonment, and exile for his leadership in nonviolent civil resistance against the Maduro regime. He is currently a Democracy Fellow at the Ash Center and a researcher with the Nonviolent Action Lab, focusing on pro-democracy movements worldwide. He holds a bachelor’s degree in social communications from Universidad Católica Andrés Bello in Venezuela and a master’s in public administration from Harvard Kennedy School, where he was an Edward S. Mason Fellow.
  • José Gustavo Arocha is a national security expert, a senior Fellow at the Center for a Secure Free Society, and a retired Lieutenant Colonel of the Venezuelan Army. His work focuses on civil-military relations, democratic erosion, and authoritarian consolidation in Latin America. A first-hand witness to the closing of democratic space in Venezuela between 2007 and 2012, he holds a master’s in public administration from Harvard Kennedy School, where he was an Edward S. Mason Fellow.
  • Roberto Picón is a Venezuelan systems engineer and electoral expert who has played a significant role in efforts to improve election integrity. He served as a rector of the National Electoral Council (CNE) from 2021 to 2023, where he was known for publicly challenging irregularities and advocating for fairer processes. Previously, his work with the opposition coalition Democratic Unity Roundtable (MUD) led to his detention as a prisoner of conscience in 2017. He has a bachelor’s degree in systems engineering from Universidad Metropolitana in Caracas.
     

About the Series


Lessons from Global Democratic Resistance is a public panel series that brings together frontline activists, civic leaders, institutional actors, and field‑informed scholars to examine how democratic actors have resisted, responded to, and learned from democratic backsliding across countries. The series aims to identify practical lessons and comparative insights for those defending democracy today and is organized by the Ash Center for Democratic Governance at the Harvard Kennedy School in collaboration with the Cornell Center on Global Democracy; Perry World House at the University of Pennsylvania; the Kellogg Institute for International Studies at the University of Notre Dame; the Democratic Futures Project at the University of Virginia; Stanford’s Center on Democracy, Development and the Rule of Law; and the Carnegie Endowment for International Peace.
 

Event Details


This event is online only, and registration is required. A recording will be made available after the event’s conclusion. The information collected in the registration form is for internal use only and will not be shared externally.

The Ash Center encourages individuals with disabilities to participate in its events. Should you wish to enquire about an accommodation, please contact our events team at info@ash.harvard.edu prior to the event.

Online via Zoom. Registration is required.

For questions, please contact info@ash.harvard.edu.

You are invited to a webinar examining how opposition actors navigated electoral politics under conditions of increasing authoritarian consolidation in Venezuela between 2007 and 2013.

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DAL Webinar 6.1.26

Colombians will vote for a new president on May 31, 2026, with a runoff scheduled for June 21 if no candidate secures more than 50 percent of the vote. These elections take place at a critical juncture for the country’s security strategy, institutional trajectory, and democratic resilience. While concerns about violence and public security remain central to voter decision-making, the electoral debate also encompasses broader, equally critical issues, including economic development, poverty reduction, institutional strength, victims' rights, and the stability and effectiveness of the presidency.

Democracy at the Ballot Box: The 2026 Electoral Cycle in Latin America is a new series, hosted by The Democracy Action Lab (DAL) at the Center on Democracy, Development and the Rule of Law (CDDRL) and DAL's Academic Consortium. This panel will examine the stakes of the 2026 election and the alternatives before voters. It will analyze the main dynamics shaping the electoral cycle, including the leading candidates, the coalitions and groups competing for power, and the broader political context in which the contest is unfolding. The discussion will also assess the likely implications of competing policy agendas, evaluate the principal risks facing the electoral process, identify the sources of democratic resilience that may help sustain it, and draw lessons for other Latin American countries confronting similar challenges.

SPEAKERS

 

MODERATOR

Alberto Díaz-Cayeros — Senior Fellow at the Freeman Spogli Institute for International Studies, Professor, by courtesy, of Political Science, and Co-Director of DAL

Alberto Díaz-Cayeros
Alberto Díaz-Cayeros

Webinar open to the public via Zoom, if prompted for a password, use: 123456

Encina Hall, Suite 052
616 Jane Stanford Way
Stanford, CA 94305-6055

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Research Scholar
Research Manager, Democracy Action Lab
Poverty, Violence, and Governance Lab Research Affiliate, 2024-25
CDDRL Postdoctoral Fellow, 2023-24
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María Ignacia Curiel is a Research Scholar at the Center on Democracy, Development and the Rule of Law and Research Affiliate of the Poverty, Violence and Governance Lab at Stanford University. Curiel is an empirical political scientist using experimental, observational, and qualitative data to study questions of violence and democratic participation, peacebuilding, and representation.

Her research primarily explores political solutions to violent conflict and the electoral participation of parties with violent origins. This work includes an in-depth empirical study of Comunes, the Colombian political party formed by the former FARC guerrilla, as well as a broader analysis of rebel party behaviors across different contexts. More recently, her research has focused on democratic mobilization and the political representation of groups affected by violence in Colombia, Mexico, and Venezuela.

Curiel's work has been supported by the Folke Bernadotte Academy, the Institute for Humane Studies, and the APSA Centennial Center and is published in the Journal of Politics. She holds a Ph.D. in Political Science and dual B.A. degrees in Economics and Political Science from New York University.

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María Ignacia Curiel Panelist

Encina Hall, C151
616 Jane Stanford Way
Stanford, CA 94305-6055

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Associate Professor, Josef Korbel School of International Studies at the University of Denver
CDDRL Visiting Scholar, 2025-26
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Oliver Kaplan is an Associate Professor at the Josef Korbel School of International Studies at the University of Denver. He is the author of the book, Resisting War: How Communities Protect Themselves (Cambridge University Press, 2017), which examines how civilian communities organize to protect themselves from wartime violence. He is a co-editor and contributor to the book, Speaking Science to Power: Responsible Researchers and Policymaking (Oxford University Press, 2024). Kaplan has also published articles on the conflict-related effects of land reforms and ex-combatant reintegration and recidivism. As part of his research, Kaplan has conducted fieldwork in Colombia and the Philippines.

Kaplan was a Jennings Randolph Senior Fellow at the U.S. Institute of Peace and previously a postdoctoral Research Associate at Princeton University and at Stanford University. His research has been funded by the Carnegie Corporation of New York, the International Committee of the Red Cross, the Smith Richardson Foundation, and other grants. His work has been published in The Journal of Conflict Resolution, Journal of Peace Research, Conflict Management and Peace Science, Stability, The New York Times, Foreign Affairs, Foreign Policy, CNN, and National Interest.

At the University of Denver, Kaplan is Director of the Korbel Asylum Project (KAP). He has taught M.A.-level courses on Human Rights and Foreign Policy, Peacebuilding in Civil Wars, Civilian Protection, and Human Rights Research Methods, and PhD-level courses on Social Science Research Methods. Kaplan received his Ph.D. in political science from Stanford University and completed his B.A. at UC San Diego.

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Oliver Kaplan Panelist
Javier Mejía Panelist
Michael Weintraub
Panel Discussions
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DAL Webinar 6.1.26
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Khushmita Dhabhai
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Miriam Golden’s presentation in CDDRL’s Research Seminar on April 23, 2026, addressed a central puzzle in democratic politics: why are incumbent reelection rates systematically higher in richer democracies? Drawing on cross-national data, she demonstrates a strong positive relationship between national income and reelection rates, a pattern that is both statistically robust and theoretically unexpected. This empirical finding motivates a reassessment of two dominant frameworks — accountability theory, associated with John Ferejohn, and selection theory, associated with James Fearon. Accountability models suggest that voters reward good performance and punish poor performance, but they do not explain cross-national variation in reelection rates. Selection models argue that elections filter out low-quality politicians, implying that poorer countries with lower reelection rates must have dishonest or incompetent politicians, yet empirical evidence does not align well with these inferences.

Golden proposes an alternative framework centered on “capacity gaps,” introducing the resources that politicians have available and voters' ability to discern political performance as key missing parameters. In poorer countries, both state capacity and voter interpretive capacity are constrained. Governments face fiscal and administrative limitations that restrict policy delivery, while voters struggle to distinguish whether poor outcomes result from incompetence, corruption, or structural constraints. As a result, the informational conditions necessary for effective accountability break down. Golden further argues that informational signals are asymmetric: markers of “bad” types, such as corruption scandals, criminal convictions, or dynastic ties, are visible and salient, whereas markers of “good” types, such as competence or honesty, are diffuse and easily mimicked. In these settings, even honest, competent, and well-intentioned politicians are likely to lose office because they are indistinguishable to voters from the malfeasant and incompetent. Even high-performing politicians may not be rewarded electorally, and good types gain no consistent advantage in reelection. 

To evaluate this framework, Golden presents multiple empirical investigations. First, she examines whether voters reward economic performance using within-country variation in GDP growth. The results show that higher growth increases reelection rates, but only in countries with high literacy levels. Since literacy roughly proxies voter discernment capacity, this suggests that performance matters electorally only when voters can interpret it. Second, she analyzes survey data from legislators in Italy and Pakistan to assess whether elections filter out low-quality politicians. She finds that politicians with “bad-type” markers, such as dynastic backgrounds or long tenure, exhibit higher tolerance for corruption yet continue to survive electorally, contradicting selection theory. Third, she tests whether poorer democracies have lower-quality politicians by examining education levels and relative salaries. She finds no meaningful differences in legislator quality across income levels and no relationship between salaries and reelection rates, further weakening selection-based explanations.

Overall, Golden’s approach reconciles several empirical anomalies: the income–reelection relationship, the conditional effect of economic performance, and the persistence of low-quality politicians. At the same time, important questions remain regarding causal identification and measurement, as proxies like literacy may capture broader development effects. Nonetheless, the framework offers a compelling shift in focus from politicians to voters, highlighting how limits in information processing can undermine both accountability and selection in democratic systems.

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Miriam Golden presented her research in a CDDRL seminar on April 23, 2026.
Miriam Golden presented her research in a CDDRL seminar on April 23, 2026. | Nora Sulots
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Miriam Golden presents a new framework linking state capacity and fiscal capacity to reelection patterns across countries.

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In Brief
  • CDDRL Visiting Scholar Miriam Golden presented research examining why incumbent reelection rates are higher in wealthier democracies using cross-national data.
  • She introduced a “capacity gaps” framework, arguing that voter ability to interpret performance shapes accountability and electoral outcomes.
  • Findings show performance is rewarded only where voters can assess it, highlighting limits of accountability and selection in democracies.
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