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ABSTRACT

Democracy promotion has been a longstanding goal of US foreign policy in the Middle East and elsewhere. President George W. Bush championed democracy promotion as a way to counter the ideology and extremism that led to the September 11, 2001 terror attacks against the United States. After Bush’s attempts ended in abject failure, President Barack Obama sought to repair relations with the Muslim world but also withdraw the US footprint in the Middle East. But Obama was forced to take a far more hands-on approach with the outbreak of the 2010-2011 uprisings known as the Arab Spring. President Donald Trump, who has displayed an almost allergic aversion to Obama’s policies, has openly embraced the region’s autocrats with little regard for their abuse of human rights or absence of attention to political or economic freedom. How the United States approaches the region matters – both for aspiring democrats and for those who wish to silence them. Despite the rise of Russia and China, the United States remains the sole superpower, with the loudest voice on the world stage. Thus, the shift from democracy promoter – albeit reluctantly at times – to authoritarian enabler has made the task of democratic political reform far more challenging for people across the Middle East. This discussion will examine the recent democracy promotion efforts of the United States, with a focus on the Obama and Trump years.

SPEAKER BIO

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Sarah Yerkes is a fellow in the Carnegie Endowment for International Peace’s Middle East Program, where her research focuses on Tunisia’s political, economic, and security developments as well as state-society relations in the Middle East and North Africa.  She has been a visiting fellow at the Brookings Institution and a Council on Foreign Relations international affairs fellow and has taught in the Security Studies Program at Georgetown University and at the Elliott School of International Affairs at the George Washington University. Yerkes is a former member of the State Department’s policy planning staff, where she focused on North Africa. Previously, she was a foreign affairs officer in the State’s Department’s Office of Israel and Palestinian affairs. Yerkes also served as a geopolitical research analyst for the U.S. military’s Joint Staff Strategic Plans and Policy Directorate (J5) at the Pentagon, advising the Joint Staff leadership on foreign policy and national security issues.

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Sarah Yerkes Carnegie Endowment for International Peace
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Under the title “Political Contestation and New Social Forces in the Middle East and North Africa,” the Program on Arab Reform and Democracy convened its 2018 annual conference on April 27 and 28 at Stanford University. Bringing together a diverse group of scholars from across several disciplines, the conference examined how dynamics of governance and modes of political participation have evolved in recent years in light of the resurgence of authoritarian trends throughout the region.

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Delivering the opening remarks of the conference, Freeman Spogli Institute (FSI) and Hoover Institution Senior Fellow Larry Diamond reflected on the state of struggle for political change in the Middle East and North Africa (MENA) region. In a panel titled “Youth, Culture, and Expressions of Resistance,” FSI Scholar Ayca Alemdaroglu discussed strategies the Turkish state has pursued to preempt and contain dissent among youth. Adel Iskandar, Assistant Professor of Communications at Simon Fraser University, explained the various ways through which Egyptian youth employ social media to express political dissent. Yasemin Ipek, Assistant Professor of Global Affairs at George Mason University, unpacked the phenomenon of “entrepreneurial activism” among Lebanese youth and discussed its role in cross-sectarian mobilization.

The conference’s second panel, tilted “Situating Gender in the Law and the Economy,” featured Texas Christian University Historian Hanan Hammad, who assessed the achievements of the movement to fight gender-based violence in Egypt. Focusing on Gulf Cooperation Council states, Alessandra Gonzales, a Visiting Postdoctoral Fellow at the Stanford Institute for Economic Policy Research, analyzed the differences in female executive hiring practices across local and foreign firms. Stanford University Political Scientist and FSI Senior Fellow Lisa Blaydes presented findings from her research on women’s attitudes toward Female Genital Mutilation (FGM) in Egypt.

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Speaking on a panel titled “Social Movements and Visions for Change,” Free University of Berlin Scholar Dina El-Sharnouby discussed the 2011 revolutionary movement in Egypt and the visions for social change it espouses in the contemporary moment. Oklahoma City University Political Scientist Mohamed Daadaoui analyzed the Moroccan regime’s strategies of control following the Arab Uprisings and their impact on various opposition actors. Nora Doaiji, a PhD Student in History at Harvard University, shared findings from her research examining the challenges confronting the women’s movement in Saudi Arabia.

The fourth panel of the conference, “The Economy, the State, and New Social Actors,” featured George Washington University Associate Professor of Geography Mona Atia, who presented on territorial restructuring and the politics governing poverty in Morocco. Amr Adly, an Assistant Professor of Political Science at the American University in Cairo, analyzed the relationship between the state and big business in Egypt after the 2013 military coup. Rice University Professor of Economics Mahmoud El-Gamal shared findings from his research on the economic determinants of democratization and de-democratization trends in Egypt during the past decade.

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The final panel focused on the international and regional dimensions of the struggle for political change in the Arab world, and featured Hicham Alaoui, a Research Fellow at Harvard University’s Weatherhead Center for International Affairs, Georgetown University Political Scientist Daniel Brumberg, and Nancy Okail, the Executive Director of the Tahrir Institute for Middle East Policy.

The conference included a special session featuring former fellows of the American Middle Eastern Network at Stanford (AMENDS), an organization dedicated to promoting understanding around the Middle East, and supporting young leaders working to ignite concrete social and economic development in the region. AMENDS affiliates from five different MENA countries shared with the Stanford community their experiences in working toward social change in their respective countries.

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Islamism has imitated, or colluded with, the state autocracies it claims to oppose. It has failed to suggest its own answers to economic problems, social justice, education or corruption, writes Hicham Alaoui in Le Monde diplomatique. Click here to read the full article, which is based on research that Alaoui presented at UC Berkeley and CDDRL on October 10 and 11, respectively.

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Please note: Registration for the conference is open only to Stanford University affiliates. A valid SUNet ID is required to register.

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DAY 1: Friday, April 27

 

8:30-9:00 a.m.    Breakfast

 

9:00-9:15 a.m.    Introductory Remarks

 

9:15-11:00 a.m.  Panel 1: Youth, Culture, and Expressions of Resistance

Ayca Alemdaroglu, Stanford University

“Affective Pedagogies: Governing Youth in the Times of Dissent in Turkey”

Adel Iskandar, Simon Fraser University

“Uprisings Upended: Arab Youth Between Dissociation, Disenchantment, and Desecration”

Yasemin Ipek, Stanford University

“Imagining Social Change after the Syrian Civil War: Entrepreneurial Activism and Cross-Sectarian Political Mobilization in Lebanon”

Chair: Hicham Alaoui, Harvard University

 

11:00-11:15 a.m. Coffee Break

 

11:15-1:00 p.m.  Panel 2: Situating Gender in the Law and the Economy

Hanan Hammad, Texas Christian University 

“Democracy from the Gender Edge”

Alessandra Gonzalez, Stanford University

“Do Source or Host Country Practices Dominate in Female Executive Hiring? Evidence from Firms in the GCC Countries”

Ibtesam Al Atiyat, St. Olaf College

“Repealing Rape Article 308: The Missed Opportunity to Women’s Emancipation in Jordan”

Chair: Joel Beinin, Stanford University

 

1:00-2:00 p.m.    Lunch

 

2:00-3:45 p.m.    Panel 3: Social Movements and Visions for Change

Dina El-Sharnouby, Freie Universität Berlin 

“The 2011 Revolutionary Movement in Egypt and Youth’s Socio-Political Imaginaries of Transformation and Change”

Mohamed Daadaoui, Oklahoma City University 

It’s Good to Be the King, or Is It? Protest Movements, the “refo-lutionary” promise of PJD Islamists and the King’s Dilemma in Morocco”

Nora Doaiji, Yale University

“After Saudi Women’s Driving: What Happens When A Marginal Movement Is Centered by the State”

Chair: Amr Hamzawy, Stanford University

 

DAY 2: Saturday April 28

 

8:30-9:00 a.m.    Breakfast

 

9:00-10:45 a.m.  Panel 4: The Economy, the State and New Social Actors

Mona Atia, The George Washington University 

“Territorial Restructuring and the Politics of Governing Poverty in Morocco”

Amr Adly, European University Institute

“Egypt's Shattered Oligarchy and Big Business Autonomy”

Mahmoud El-Gamal, Rice University 

“Egyptian Economic and De-Democratization Trends”

Chair: Lisa Blaydes, Stanford University

 

10:45-11:00 a.m. Coffee Break

 

11:00-12:30 p.m. Panel 5: Social Change and International and Regional Dynamics

Hicham Alaoui, Harvard University

"Geopolitical Myths and Realities under Neo-Authoritarianism"

Daniel Brumberg, Georgetown University 

“The Roots and Impact of Democracy Resistance and Autocracy Promotion in the Arab World”

Nancy Okail, The Tahrir Institute for Middle East Policy

"Political Reform, Security, and U.S. Middle East Policy"

Chair: Larry Diamond, Stanford University

 


 

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The event will be held at Stanford University. The exact location will be shared via e-mail with registered participants a week prior to the conference. Please read registration instructions below.

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In light of the legal issues raised by the Special Tribunal for Lebanon (STL) trial (April to June 2015) against the Lebanese Al-Jadeed television on charges of contempt of court and obstruction of justice, the present paper seeks to assess the state of freedom of expression in Lebanon and the role played by the Lebanese judiciary in defining this right and delineating its limits, especially when it clashes with another right—in this case the right to protect one’s dignity in general, and the dignity of the judicial body in specific.

The present study analyzes all Publications Court opinions and decisions that were published between 1999 and 2014 following trials where media institutions and individuals were prosecuted for infringing national laws on defamation, and where the courts made a decision as to which right had to be protected in each case. The main objective of such an analysis is to document and identify a jurisprudence-based, working definition of “freedom of expression” and “freedom of the media” that is derived exclusively from Lebanese case law. Doing so helps fill a research gap on the literature and build a better understanding of the controversy around the STL trial of Al-Jadeed.

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During a recent visit to Stanford, Rabih El Chaer (’07), an alumnus of the Draper Hills Summer Fellows Program (DHSFP) at Stanford’s Center on Democracy, Development and the Rule of Law, shared his thoughts on the pervasive 'culture of corruption' in Lebanon, highlighting the need for strong counteractions from civil society. Last year, El Chaer founded Sakker el Dekkene, a Lebanese NGO dedicated to developing platforms to bolster accountability and track bribes. Lebanon is rated 136 out of 175 countries in Transparency International's 2014 Corruption Perceptions Index. Before founding Sakker el Dekkene, El Chaer served as the political and media advisor to the Kuawaiti Minister of Information and Youth.


1) What are the top challenges facing Lebanon today?

In the political spectrum, Lebanon is facing one of its biggest challenges: an institutional vacuum by which the country has been without a president for more than a year. This matter is also linked to the cancellation of the parliamentary elections. With the absence of a clear budget in the public administration since 2005, the debt exceeds 105 percent, which has increased unemployment rates.

Another challenge is the omnipresence of corruption in both public and private sectors. Last year, Lebanon ranked 136 out of 175 countries in Transparency International's Corruption Perceptions Index, dropping from the 127th place it took in 2013. And in 2013, the World Bank's Control of Corruption Indicator was at its second lowest since 1996. With the absence of accountability and transparency, corruption became engrained in Lebanon's political, administrative and economic environment, hindering the rule law and good governance.

Last but not least, the existence of refugees and instability in the region has been a great promoter for instability, unemployment, and population overgrowth, which Lebanon cannot handle.


2) What is the government doing to address this culture of corruption?

In 2008, the Lebanese government took the initiative and signed the United Nations Convention against Corruption treaty. This treaty includes 51 articles on anti-corruption. The government had the goodwill to initiate three pillar projects: access to information; whistle blower protection; and the establishment of the national anti-corruption authority.

But in reality, no law was voted for and no anti-corruption national plan was adopted. Furthermore, the lack of accountability perpetuates the problem, given the rampant corruption across sectors - including the judicial system - which was ranked third in the number of bribes paid based on citizen reports submitted through Sakker El Dekkene.


3) Tell us about some of the anti-corruption projects you have been working on at your organization - Sakkar el Dekkene.

Investigation and research are critical for Sakker el Dekkene’s plan to produce substantive content and data related to corruption, which will be used to push for change. This information includes bribe data, surveys, investigations, and reports, among others.

The second critical project is legal work, ranging from producing draft laws to helping public authorities implement the rule of law and defend individuals’ rights, all the way to taking corruption cases to court.

The Ombudsman Law was voted for in 2005 in Lebanon, but until now, the government has yet to establish the office, yet alone appoint its leadership. At this moment, we serve the role of an ombudsman.

Additionally, partnership with various organizations and authorities has an amplifying effect on all our activities. Partners include ministries, public administrations and other public authorities willing to collaborate, as well as private sector entities and other local and international NGOs. Lobbying with public sector stakeholders, ministers, judiciary, the media and others on the elections monitoring process will push the pressure to fight corruption to its highest level.


4)  How do you engage the public in your work?

Awareness is done through a wide range of activities, including education at school and the university level; entertainment projects such as songs, cartoons, film festivals, award days; and other outside-the-box activities and events. We also have a strong public awareness campaign, engaging directly with the public in malls, fairs and events during our Kabseh (meaning "pressure") tours as well as on social media. Through our touring, we inform people about how they can use our platform to report deficiencies in public administration and identify system loopholes.


5) What challenges does the organization face today? How has the government responded to your projects?

Having a country where more than 50 percent of the nationals resort to corruption in order to have their needs met is very challenging. To top this off, many Lebanese do not report the corruption they witness, initiate, or are victims of. This makes it very challenging for us to receive an accurate number of reports.

Violence is another challenge we face. Some people react to our cause by resorting to violent means. Also, the fact that media in Lebanon can have a certain political affiliation is another challenge because the bias found in media does not help portray the earned image we have received in the public’s eye.


6) What advice would you give summer fellows alumni seeking to counter/combat corruption in their home countries?

It is important to always have the faith, willpower and patience to keep striving for a corruption-free country. A professional strategy based on facts, political neutrality, and transparency is key to making your argument more believable, feasible and durable.

Social media - including Facebook, Twitter and Instagram - are very important in helping spread your cause, vision, aim and activities.

Partnership and collaboration with civil society - including NGOs - is necessary to guarantee alliance and sustainability in spreading your vision. There is no prototype for combating corruption. Evolution – not revolution – is required. The fight against corruption is not with people; it is with the system. 

 

 

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*Open only to Stanford students.* 

Speaker Bio: 

Zahera Harb is one of the six 2013-2014 FSI-Humanities Center International Visitors and will be in residence at Stanford in May 2014. She is Senior Lecturer in International Journalism at City University London. She received her M.A. and Ph.D. in journalism studies from Cardiff University (United Kingdom). As an expert on Arab media, she has published widely on journalism ethics, conflict and war reporting, political communication and representation of Muslims and Islam in western media. Her recent publications include Narrating Conflict in the Middle East: Discourse, Image and Communications Practices in Lebanon and Palestine (2013) and Channels of Resistance: Liberation Propaganda, Hezbollah and the Media (2011). Dr. Harb also has 11 years of experience as a journalist in Lebanon working for Lebanese and international media organizations.

 

This event is co-sponsored by the Sohaib and Sara Abbasi Program in Islamic Studies, CDDRL Program on Arab Reform and Democracy, the Mediterranean Studies Forum, Stanford Humanities Center, Arab Studies Table, Stanford Language Center. 

Building 30, Room 102

Zahera Harb Senior Lecturer in International Journalism Speaker City University London
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Description:

Arab screens along with social networks have been flooded over the past three years with words, images and videos that were meant to shed light on the revolts and uprisings in Tunisia, Egypt, Yemen, Bahrain Libya and Syria. What started as a celebrated influx of information soon turned into means for disseminating sectarian and ethnic hatred, mainly in the cases of Syria and Egypt. Dr. Zahera Harb will discuss ethical boundaries that have been applied in Arab media coverage of the Arab revolts and uprisings, drawing on journalism epistemologies in the Arab world and focusing on recent developments in Syria and Egypt.

Speaker Profile:

Dr. Zahera Harb is a Lebanese journalist and academic. She is currently a senior lecturer in international journalism at City University London. Her recent publications include a co-edited collection titled Narrating conflict in the Middle East: Discourse Image and Communications Practices in Lebanon and Palestine (I.B. Tauris, 2013) and a monograph titled Channels of Resistance: Liberation propaganda Hezbollah and the Media (I.B. Tauris, 2011). She is a review editor for the Journal of Media Practice.

Dr. Harb has 11 years' experience as a journalist in Lebanon working for Lebanese and international media organizations. She started as a news reporter and distinguished herself in particular in the coverage of war operations in the battlefield of South Lebanon. She was then co-producer and presenter of a popular socio-political program (Khamseh Ala Sabaah, 5/7) before becoming one of the main news anchors at Tele Liban (the public service TV in Lebanon). At New TV she was appointed to a news anchor-editor post and hosted the main daily political show (Al Hadath). At Future TV (Pan Arab satellite channel) she produced and presented her own socio-political program (Ala Madar Assaa) while assigned as satellite news editor. She also produced several political and social documentaries for Lebanese TV stations and completed reporting assignments for BBC Arabic service (radio), CNN world report and Dutch TV. She hosted live coverage of distinguished political events inside and outside Lebanon.

Dr. Harb was trained in Lebanon, Holland and the UK and has a BA in Journalism, a Diploma in Broadcasting News and an MA and PhD in Journalism Studies and Political Communications.

She has been on the consultancy board of the Thomson Foundation UK for 7 years conducting media training in the UK and other parts of the world including Egypt, Tunisia, Kuwait, UAE, Malta, Spain, Armenia, Ukraine and Brussels.  


This event is sponsored by the Program on Arab Reform and Democracy, Sohaib and Sara Abbasi Program in Islamic Studies and Mediterranean Studies Forum and in partnership with the Stanford Humanities Center and Arab Studies Table. 

 

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Richard and Rhoda Goldman Conference Room

Zahera Harb Senior Lecturer in International Journalism Speaker City University London
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Abstract:

The seminar session will present findings from a new study on the entrepreneurship ecosystem in post-revolutionary Egypt and Tunisia. The discussion will focus on the challenges facing entrepreneurs and would-be entrepreneurs in these countries and the MENA region, and will highlight the importance of reform of the legal and regulatory environment.

Speakers bio:

Lina Khatib is the co-founding Head of the Program on Arab Reform and Democracy at the Center on Democracy, Development, and the Rule of Law at Stanford University. She joined Stanford University in 2010 from the University of London where she was an Associate Professor. Her research is firmly interdisciplinary and focuses on the intersections of politics, media, and social factors in relation to the politics of the Middle East. She is also a consultant on Middle East politics and media and has published widely on topics such as new media and Islamism, US public diplomacy towards the Middle East, and political media and conflict in the Arab world, as well as on the political dynamics in Lebanon and Iran. She has an active interest in the link between track two dialogue and democratization policy. She is also a Research Associate at SOAS, University of London, and, from 2010-2012, was a Research Fellow at the USC Center on Public Diplomacy at the Annenberg School.

Amr Adly has a Ph.D. from the European University Institute-Florence, Department of political and social sciences (Date of completion: September 2010). His thesis topic was "The political economy of trade and industrialization in the post-liberalization period: Cases of Turkey and Egypt". The thesis was published by Routledge in December 2012 under the title of State Reform and Development in the Middle East: The Cases of Turkey and Egypt.

He has several other academic publications that have appeared in the Journal of Business and Politics, Turkish Studies, and Middle Eastern Studies, in addition to articles in several other periodicals and newspapers in English and Arabic.

Before joining Stanford, he worked as a senior researcher at the Egyptian Initiative for Personal Rights, heading the unit of social and economic rights, and at the Ministry of Foreign Affairs as a diplomat.

At Stanford, he is leading a research project on reforming the regulatory environment governing entrepreneurship after the Arab Spring in Egypt and Tunisia, which will result in policy papers as well as conferences in the two countries. 

Greg Simpson is Deputy Regional Director of the Middle East and North Africa division at the Center for International Private Enterprise (CIPE), where in addition to co-managing the division with the regional director, he also directly oversees CIPE’s sizeable Egypt portfolio. A veteran of the nongovernmental sector with eighteen years of experience in strengthening democratic institutions, Simpson came to CIPE from the U.S. online political firm New Media Communications, where he focused on developing and managing the company’s international initiatives. Prior to New Media, Simpson worked at the International Republican Institute (IRI), where he held three successive country director posts in the Balkans. There he directed assistance programs in political party development, political communications, local governance, grassroots organization and mobilization, civil society development, public opinion research, and election observation. During this time, Simpson advised and trained hundreds of political activists and elected officials, and directly advised two of the region’s presidents. Before joining IRI, Simpson held positions at the American Council of Young Political Leaders (ACYPL) and the Center for Civil Society in Southeastern Europe. He holds a B.A. in International Studies from American University in Washington, DC. Simpson currently resides in Alexandria, Virginia with his wife and two children. 

One of the four core institutes of the National Endowment for Democracy and an affiliate of the U.S. Chamber of Commerce, the Center for International Private Enterprise (CIPE) is a U.S. non-profit organization with the mission of strengthening democracy around the globe through private enterprise and market-oriented reform. CIPE has supported more than 1,300 initiatives in over 100 developing countries, involving the private sector in policy advocacy and institutional reform, improving governance, and building understanding of market-based democratic systems. CIPE provides management assistance, practical experience, and financial support to local organizations to strengthen their capacity to implement democratic and economic reforms.

Encina Ground Floor Conference Room

Lina Khatib Program Manager, Arab Reform and Democracy Moderator CDDRL
Amr Adly Postdoctoral Scholar Panelist CDDRL
Gregory Simpson Deputy Regional Director of the Middle East and North Africa division at the Center for International Private Enterprise Panelist CIPE
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