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At a moment marked by war, regional fragmentation, and mounting uncertainty across the Middle East, the Program on Arab Reform and Development (ARD) at Stanford University’s Center on Democracy, Development and the Rule of Law hosted a wide-ranging conversation between historian and Middle East scholar Joel Beinin and Hesham Sallam, CDDRL Senior Research Scholar and ARD Associate Director.

The discussion explored how the region’s current crises fit within longer historical trajectories, and what they may signal for the future of political order, state power, and social movements in the Arab world.

Throughout the conversation, Beinin situated contemporary wars and political ruptures within broader histories of authoritarianism, imperial intervention, and the erosion of regional political cohesion. The discussion ranged from the legacies of the post-9/11 era to the fragmentation of the Arab regional order, the failures of democratization, and the global rise of the far right.

Here are five major takeaways from the discussion:

1. The current moment is not simply another regional crisis — it reflects the fragmentation of the Arab order itself.


One of the central themes of the discussion was that today’s regional turmoil differs fundamentally from earlier periods of instability. Beinin argued that while the Arab world has long experienced cycles of war, authoritarianism, and external intervention, the current period is distinctive because the very idea of a coherent “Arab world” has weakened dramatically.

As Beinin put it, “A quarter of a century ago, you could still talk about the Arab world with a certain sense of unity… and today, increasingly, it doesn’t.” He stressed that this fragmentation is not merely geopolitical but also political and ideological. Regional powers now pursue sharply divergent agendas, while many traditional centers of Arab political and cultural influence have declined.

Egypt occupied a central place in this analysis. Beinin argued that Egypt, historically viewed as a political and cultural anchor of the Arab world, can no longer plausibly play a regional leadership role. He described the Egyptian regime as deeply constrained by debt crises, Gulf dependency, and intensifying authoritarian rule. Meanwhile, Gulf states such as Saudi Arabia and the United Arab Emirates (UAE) increasingly shape regional politics, albeit without the broader political legitimacy or cultural influence once associated with Cairo.

The result, according to Beinin, is a region characterized less by shared political trajectories than by fragmentation, competing alignments, and increasingly localized struggles for survival and authority.

2. The legacies of the post-9/11 era continue to shape U.S. policy toward the Middle East.


Early in the conversation, Sallam read aloud a passage from President George W. Bush’s 2002 State of the Union address, warning that the United States “will not permit the world’s most dangerous regimes to threaten us with the world’s most destructive weapons.” Sallam then revealed that the quotation was not from President Donald Trump, but from Bush in the lead-up to the Iraq War.

The exchange set up one of the discussion’s recurring themes: the persistence of interventionist frameworks in American political discourse on the Middle East.

Beinin argued that much of contemporary U.S. rhetoric surrounding Iran reproduces assumptions and narratives that shaped the run-up to the Iraq War. “None of it was true when they said it about Iraq,” he remarked, “and none of it is true when they’re saying it about Iran.”

More broadly, he suggested that the post-9/11 political climate fundamentally reshaped how the United States discussed the region. Reflecting on the years after the September 11 attacks, Beinin described g a political atmosphere in which attempts to contextualize regional dynamics were frequently dismissed as apologetics for extremism.

The conversation repeatedly returned to the dangers of reducing regional politics to moral binaries or civilizational narratives. Instead, Beinin emphasized the importance of historically grounded analysis attentive to state interests, political economy, and international power relations.

3. The authoritarian restoration after the Arab uprisings has become deeper and more punitive.


Another major takeaway concerned the aftermath of the Arab uprisings of 2010-2011 and the broader trajectory of authoritarianism in the region.

Beinin argued that states such as Egypt and Tunisia have emerged from the post-uprising period with harsher and more consolidated forms of authoritarian rule than existed prior to 2011. “Any kind of political, civil, even to some degree cultural resistance has been stamped out,” he said, citing the expansion of surveillance, imprisonment, and repression.

Yet the discussion also rejected the simplistic notion that the Arab uprisings were meaningless failures. Beinin pointed to later protest waves in Sudan and Algeria during 2019–2020 as evidence that activists and civil movements had absorbed important lessons from the earlier uprisings.

In Sudan in particular, he argued, protest movements understood that “the army is not on the side of the people,” reflecting a deeper awareness of how military institutions could derail revolutionary transitions. At the same time, Beinin stressed that regional interventions by Gulf powers played a major role in undermining these movements. He described how competing regional actors backed rival military factions, contributing to fragmentation and ultimately overwhelming civilian political forces.

The broader implication was that authoritarian resilience in the Arab world cannot be understood solely through domestic dynamics. Regional rivalries, external funding networks, and transnational counterrevolutionary alliances all play a central role in shaping political outcomes.

4. The Middle East’s crises are increasingly tied to a broader global rightward shift.


While much of the conversation focused specifically on the Arab world, Beinin consistently situated regional developments within broader international trends.

He argued that the current moment reflects not only regional disarray but also the rise of increasingly exclusionary and authoritarian political currents globally. Beinin pointed to “a hard lurch to the right” in multiple countries, including Israel, India, and parts of Europe.

This international dimension, he suggested, has profound implications for the Middle East. The rise of nationalist and authoritarian politics globally has helped normalize more extreme forms of militarism, ethnonationalism, and state violence. It has also weakened many of the international norms and institutions that once constrained state behavior, however imperfectly.

The discussion of Israel occupied a particularly important place here. Beinin linked Israel’s rightward shift to broader transformations in global politics. At several points, the conversation underscored how the wars in Gaza and Lebanon cannot be understood in isolation from these wider ideological and geopolitical currents.

Rather than treating the Middle East as uniquely unstable or exceptional, Beinin repeatedly encouraged the audience to see the region as deeply connected to broader crises of democracy, inequality, nationalism, and authoritarianism unfolding globally.

5. Historical perspective remains essential in moments of upheaval.


Perhaps the most important theme running through the conversation was methodological rather than purely political: the insistence on historical perspective in moments of crisis.

At the outset of the event, Sallam emphasized that the purpose of the discussion was “not to chase after the headlines,” but rather to “take the long view” and place contemporary developments “in conversation with scholarly research and debates.”

Throughout the conversation, Beinin repeatedly cautioned against analyses driven solely by immediate events, media cycles, or simplistic geopolitical narratives. Instead, he urged audiences to understand contemporary wars and political transformations as products of longer histories involving colonial legacies, state formation, authoritarian restructuring, social movements, and international intervention.

The discussion ultimately offered no easy optimism about the region’s future. Yet it also rejected fatalistic portrayals of the Arab world as uniquely doomed to instability. Instead, the conversation highlighted the importance of historical memory, critical scholarship, and political analysis capable of connecting contemporary crises to deeper structural processes.

A full recording of the conversation can be viewed below:

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In a discussion convened by the Program on Arab Reform and Development, Stanford scholars situate regional upheaval within longer trajectories of imperial intervention, authoritarian rule, and global political shifts.

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How War is Reshaping the Arab World
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  • Stanford scholars Joel Beinin and Hesham Sallam examined the state of conflict and fragmentation in the Arab world, arguing that the current moment differs fundamentally from past instability in the region.
  • Beinin connected current U.S. rhetoric on Iran to post-9/11 interventionism while analyzing deepening authoritarianism following the Arab uprisings.
  • The discussion situated the Middle East upheaval within global rightward shifts, emphasizing historical perspective over headline-driven analysis of regional crises.
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The year is young, and yet the U.S. is already involved in a dizzying array of foreign and domestic developments, from capturing Venezuela’s President Nicolas Maduro and threats of force against Iran, to the Trump administration’s critiques of European allies, and accusations of overreach by Immigration and Customs Enforcement (ICE) stateside.

Simmering just below the surface is the U.S.-China relationship, which has been relatively quiet of late but could become confrontational, as the powers compete for dominance in technological advancement, trade, and influence.

On February 12, 2026, the Freeman Spogli Institute for International Studies (FSI) presented Global Trends and Geopolitics in 2026: A Look Ahead, a discussion on the forces shaping the world. The panel was moderated by FSI’s new director, Colin Kahl.

At the start of 2026, Kahl assumed leadership of FSI from Michael McFaul, who had served as the institute’s director for eleven years. Kahl is deeply familiar with national security and geopolitics at the highest levels, having recently served as the U.S. Department of Defense’s under secretary of defense for policy, and as national security advisor to Vice President Joe Biden during the Obama Administration. 

The conversation featured leading FSI scholars Harold Trinkunas, deputy director and senior research scholar at the Center for International Security and Cooperation (CISAC); Anna Grzymala-Busse, director of FSI's Europe Center; Larry Diamond, Mosbacher Senior Fellow of Global Democracy at FSI; and Or Rabinowitz, a visiting fellow at FSI’s new Jan Koum Israel Studies Program.

As assessed by the panel, the competition between the United States and China has significant global repercussions, as seen across the following key regions and issues.

Latin America and the Arrest of Maduro

At the start of the year, U.S. military forces captured Venezuelan president Nicolás Maduro in Caracas, charging him with narcoterrorism. While Delcy Rodríguez, formerly the country’s vice president, is now acting president, questions persist as to who is  in charge of the northern coastal country.

The U.S. would like to reduce China’s influence on Latin America, but, observed Harold Trinkunas, China is an easy trade partner and helps Latin America with infrastructure by providing bank loans that are simpler to secure than those offered by the U.S..

The Trump administration’s desire to revive the Venezuelan oil sector has been met with skepticism, with Chevron the only major U.S. oil company currently operating there. Oil sales were a key financial resource for Maduro’s government, but the current government lacks access to the revenue, with sales now controlled by the U.S..

Colin Kahl summarized the Trump administration’s actions as “a strange combination of drug enforcement and imperial oil extraction.”

The Fragile Alliance Between the U.S. and Europe

Friction between the U.S. and Europe is higher than it has been in recent memory, with disagreements over global trade, President Donald Trump’s interest in acquiring Greenland, and the Russia-Ukraine War.

According to Anna Grzymala-Busse, despite their status as a longtime ally, Europe feels the U.S. has unfairly been treating them like an enemy, while withholding criticism toward China over human rights abuses and security risks.

Europe is divided on how much it should rely on Chinese goods and technology. Some European countries, like the Netherlands, want to increase trade with China, while others, such as Germany, wish to scale back.

The U.S. has further obfuscated matters by playing European countries off of one another, criticizing some while heralding others. As a result, Trump is losing support in Europe, where Washington’s critiques are seen as “a violation of European sovereignty,” and have managed to unite the continent, said Grzymala-Busse.

“With the first Trump administration, there was a general feeling of, we can wait this out,” observed Grzymala-Busse. “With the second Trump administration, there's a feeling of, this is just what the United States is like.”

The Looming Threat of War in the Middle East

Or Rabinowitz pegs the likelihood of a U.S. attack on Iran in the coming six months at 60%, if the two countries can’t make a deal on restrictions around Iran’s nuclear and missile programs. It’s unclear if such a strike would actually topple the Iranian regime, or if it would merely be “a symbolic slap on the wrist,” said Rabinowitz.

President Trump’s decision making is difficult to predict, noted Rabinowitz: “Changing his mind is actually a very significant part of his political DNA.” Meanwhile, Iran is wary of agreeing to any deal that could be beneficial to Israel.

Often viewed as a strong ally of Iran, China is the number one buyer of Iranian oil. “But the problem is that in many aspects, it's the best friend that you don't want,” observed Rabinowitz, calling China “a fair weather friend.” China is primarily interested in stability because it benefits them as a trade partner when the region is calm.

Saudi Arabia and other Gulf states openly prioritize stability, de-escalation, and economic continuity. However, privately, Saudi officials have hinted that the Iranian regime could be emboldened if the U.S. does not attack, according to Rabinowitz.

Backsliding Democracy at Home and Abroad

There are grounds for both optimism and alarm in assessing the current global state of democracy, said Larry Diamond.

Developments in the U.S. such as the controversy over deployment of ICE forces in the streets of Minneapolis, and the Trump administration’s threats to withhold federal funding from universities, are, according to Diamond, “elements of creeping authoritarianism.”

U.S. democracy will face a big test in the upcoming midterm elections, one that Diamond thinks the country will pass. However, “if federal power is used to suppress or negate a free and fair election in the United States…I don't think you could call the United States an electoral democracy anymore.”

Outside of the U.S., Diamond predicts the future of democracy will be determined in Ukraine, as it enters its fifth year of war with Russia, and in Taiwan, where Chinese president Xi Jinping is considering the use of military force against Taiwan, potentially without substantial intervention from the U.S..

The Race to Unlock the Power of New Technologies

China is not dedicated to turning democracies into autocracies, even though it might welcome that, explained Colin Kahl. The country’s global focus is on trade, which is President Trump’s main interest when it comes to China as well.

Diamond deems the race between China and the U.S. to unlock the power of artificial intelligence, quantum, bioengineering, and fusion energy technologies as highly consequential.

If China pulls ahead in quantum and AI, Diamond warns, “This would be a disaster for the future of freedom in the world… there's nothing more important to the future of global democracy than the democracies collectively of the world winning this technological race.”

According to Kahl, this race will determine “whose technological backbone do most people on Earth use to access the information through which their entire lives are mediated?”

Just the Beginning

Every quarter the world will be quite different than the quarter before, noted Kahl. “It’s hard to believe we’re only six weeks into 2026,” he said. “It feels like we’ve had six years worth of foreign policy developments.”

The Global Trends and Geopolitics in 2026: A Look Ahead panel was the first in a new quarterly series of discussions hosted by FSI that will examine the state of the world. To join FSI at upcoming events focused on the latest developments in international affairs, register for invitations on the institute’s website.

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  • U.S.-China competition is a quiet undercurrent in geopolitics, with global repercussions in 2026.
  • U.S. actions and trade pressures are straining Europe, and China’s economic pull could divide previously allied countries.
  • The future of global democracy and security hinge on U.S. domestic politics, tensions with Iran, and a decisive U.S.-China technology race.
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