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This study is the result of over four years of active collaboration between the Poverty, Violence and Governance Lab (PovGov) and the Rio-based NGO Agency for Youth Networks (hereafter, Agency). What began in 2012 as an informal conversation between PovGov researchers and the program’s founder and director, Marcus Faustini, led to a solid partnership that has produced not only this research but also opportunities for engagement through events both in California and in Rio de Janeiro. A central objective of PovGov’s research agenda is to assess and disseminate knowledge about initiatives and policies seeking to benefit socially vulnerable populations throughout Latin America. Agency’s target population – namely, young people from the favelas and peripheries of Rio de Janeiro who often find themselves unemployed, out of school, and exposed to high levels of violence – being of great relevance to PovGov’s work. 

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Beatriz Magaloni
Veriene Melo
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In this paper we examine the effects of police body-worn cameras through a randomized control trial implemented in Rio de Janeiro. The paper explores the use of this technology by police officers in charge of tactical operations and officers performing “proximity” patrolling in the largest favela of Brazil, Rocinha. The study reveals that institutional and administrative limitations at Military Police of the State of Rio de Janeiro (PMERJ) were associated with limited use of the cameras –basically officers refusing to turn the cameras on. Despite low footage, results reveal that when a police officer was randomly assigned to a BWC, this technology had a significant effect reducing the number of gunshots fired by police officers. The reduction on police lethal force is particularly strong among GTTPs, which are tactical units assigned to operations that commonly involve armed confrontations. The use of BWC among these police officers reduced their use of ammunition by more than 45%. Moreover, we find that police officers assigned to a BWC had significantly lower number of activity reports or occurrences (BOPMs). The inactivity effect is mostly driven by GPP units, which have patrolling functions and more engagement with the community. These units reduce their reported activities almost by half. 

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Beatriz Magaloni
Gustavo Empinotti
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State interventions against drug trafficking organizations (DTOs) sometimes work to improve security, but often exacerbate violence. To understand why, this paper offers a theory about different social order dynamics among five types of criminal regimes – Insurgent, Bandit, Symbiotic, Predatory, and Anarchic. These differ according to whether criminal groups confront or collude with state actors; predate or cooperate with the community; and hold a monopoly or contest territory with rival DTOs. Police interventions in these criminal orders pose different challenges and are associated with markedly different local security outcomes. Evidence for the theory is provided by the use a multi-method research design combining quasi-experimental statistical analyses, extensive qualitative research and a large N survey in the context of Rio de Janeiro’s “Pacifying Police Units” (UPPs), which sought to reclaim control of the slums from organized criminal groups.

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This month Stanford researchers are in one of the largest slums – or favelas – in Latin America to launch the first-of-its kind comprehensive study on the use of body-worn cameras by the military police in Rio de Janeiro, Brazil. Over 350 police officers will start wearing cameras clipped to their uniforms during their patrols to record interactions with residents. The yearlong Stanford study aims to determine the effects of this technology on reducing lethal violence, as well as other forms of violent interactions with community members.
 
Led by Beatriz Magaloni, associate professor of political science and director of the Program on Poverty and Governance (PovGov) at Stanford’s Center on Democracy, Development, and the Rule of Law, this study comes at a significant moment when police brutality is tearing apart the social fabric in communities worldwide, and body-worn cameras are being tested as a way to curb the excessive use of force by law enforcement officials. A study of this nature has never been conducted in a location characterized by extraordinary levels of violence, and the strong presence of armed criminal groups.
 
“Police-body worn cameras have been adopted in many police departments in the U.S.,” said Magaloni who is also a senior fellow at Stanford’s Freeman Spogli Institute for International Studies. “However, it is not clear how this technology will work in Rio de Janeiro’s context. Even when police officers are instructed to turn on their cameras, we do not know if they will obey. “
 
To evaluate the use of body-worn cameras, Magaloni established a partnership with TASER International, who is supplying 75 cameras for the study, along with the Military State Police of Rio de Janeiro to introduce this technology in the Rocinha favela. Cameras will be assigned randomly in this study to vary the frequency (number of cameras) and the intensity (hours) of the use of the cameras across territorial police units in the favela.
 
Magaloni described the two protocols for the use of body-worn cameras that will be explored in the study.
 
“The first will examine police compliance with the cameras, as some officers will be asked to turn on their cameras during their entire shifts, which is significantly harder to disregard, while others will only turn on their cameras when interacting with citizens, the prevalent practice in the U.S.,” she said.
 
“Second, the research hopes to contribute towards the development of protocols for the processing of the images, which is a huge challenge for police departments everywhere,” said Magaloni. “It will also help to determine which videos should be audited and what strategies commanders and supervisors can follow to deliver feedback to police officers.”
 
Rio de Janeiro’s police are considered one of the deadliest in the world. And while this violence has been decreasing since 2008, distrust between the police and favela residents is at a high after the recent police killing of five unarmed young men in Costa Barros, in Rio’s North zone. At the same time, police are being killed at significantly higher rates, which has only further strained their interactions with residents.
 
Over the past two years, Professor Magaloni and her team at PovGov have been working in partnership with the Military State Police of Rio de Janeiro and the Secretary of Security of Rio de Janeiro to examine the use of lethal force by police officers and the impact of public security efforts in Rio’s favelas. This ongoing relationship has allowed Professor Magaloni unprecedented access to criminal data and police personnel. Detailed analysis of homicide patterns and ammunition usage by police officers, together with the application of surveys and in-depth interviews with police officers and favela residents, have unearthed some of the contextual, individual, and institutional factors that give rise to greater use of deadly force by the police.
 
As the camera study launches this month in Rio de Janeiro, Magaloni and the PovGov team are hopeful that their research will improve theory and science about police behavior, and provide critical feedback to improve measures aimed at reducing police violence in Brazil and beyond.  
 



To learn more about the Program on Poverty and Governance, please visit: povgov.stanford.edu.
 

CONTACT:
Professor Beatriz Magaloni
Stanford Department of Political Science and the Freeman Spogli Institute for International Studies
magaloni@stanford.edu
(650) 724-5949

 

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Stanford researchers seek better strategies to control the lethal use of police force in Rio de Janeiro, Brazil. Their findings offer implications for police and communities elsewhere, as the researchers are studying how social and psychological factors affect police and how body-worn cameras can be used most efficiently.


In striving to understand and to curb the use of lethal force by police in Rio de Janeiro's poorest neighborhoods, Stanford researchers seek to help inform the widespread debate about police conduct and behavior.

Beatriz Magaloni, an associate professor of political science at Stanford, is leading an international research effort to understand why Brazil's Rio de Janeiro has one of the world's highest police-on-civilian fatality rates. Her research shows that between 2005 and 2013 there were 4,707 police killings and 17,392 homicides for a total of 22,099 violent deaths in Rio, Brazil's most populous city.

"In many developing countries, the police institution is exceedingly dysfunctional," said Magaloni, a senior fellow at Stanford's Freeman Spogli Institute for International Studies.

"Either cops are corrupt and work in partnership with organized crime, are poorly staffed and trained, or they abuse their power, including using torture and excessive lethal force," she said.

Magaloni points out that violence is an obstacle to progress, peace and prosperity in developing nations like Brazil. But police-involved deaths are not limited to developing nations. She cited recent minority deaths at the hands of police in U.S. cities, including Chicago; Ferguson, Missouri; and New York City, as an indication that police everywhere sometimes act too aggressively. And so, strategies that can be used anywhere – like body-worn cameras on police – are part of her study.

Understanding police behavior

In 2013, Magaloni created the Stanford International Crime and Violence Lab, which designs research-based strategies to control violence, a central challenge for poverty alleviation in areas like Rio de Janeiro. Support for the research came from Stanford's Global Development and Poverty Research initiative.

The Rio research has emerged from that effort. For their project, Magaloni and her team have partnered with the Minister of Security and the Military Police of Rio de Janeiro, and nongovernmental organizations working in the city's slums. So far, this involved more than 100 interviews and focus groups with police officers and citizens. The researchers also conducted a survey of 5,000 officers, or 20 percent, of the Rio de Janeiro police force.

"The goal is to advance knowledge about police behavior and violent crime, as well as provide feedback to policymakers in Rio de Janeiro to design better strategies to control police violence and homicides," Magaloni said.

Most victims of police violence have been young black men living in the slums, the researchers found. Also, police killing rates were five times higher in the poorest parts of Rio than in the wealthiest areas.

Community bonds critical

The researchers found that one promising reform already enacted by the government is "proximity" policing. This involves assigning newly graduated police officers trained to not reflexively engage in shootouts to the poorest areas of Rio. Also called "Pacifying Police Units," this initiative significantly reduced police killings of civilians in the areas studied.

"Police killings in the favelas [slums] would have been 60 percent higher without the Pacifying Police Units, which means that the reduction in police killing can largely be attributed to the proximity policing strategy," Magaloni said.

Another problem is police deaths while on duty, which have doubled since 2011. She attributed the increase to poor relationships between police and their communities.

"Police officers often treat citizens with disrespect, and racial stigmatization is common. Hence, favelaresidents do not trust police officers and seldom offer cooperation, including giving information to the police about suspects and violent criminals in the community," Magaloni said.

But the consequence is that a police force that feels vulnerable is more likely to use lethal force, she added.

Magaloni's team is also studying how many bullets individual police officers used in their daily shifts during the 2005-2014 period. Other variables under review include officers' age, gender, training and the effect of promotions.

One big issue is how police units encourage "violent subcultures," she said. This point was recently made clear when five adolescents were killed by Rio police officers in a unit infamous for its violent history and reputation.

"Using a variety of statistical methods, including network analysis, our research will be able to better understand how violent subcultures are engendered and how easily these can spread across units," Magaloni said.

Violence breeds violence

Prior research shows that violent societies tend to produce violent police forces – whether in Rio or elsewhere, Magaloni said.

"One of the most revealing aspects of the survey research is that police officers in Rio de Janeiro have been exposed to high levels of violence during childhood," she said.

According to Magaloni's research, during their childhood 18 percent of Rio police officers saw a homicide, 32 percent had a person close to them killed by a criminal, 25 percent were constantly surrounded by gunshots and 20 percent were afraid of being killed when they were children.

Such experiences have long-lasting psychological effects on people who become police officers, she said.

In Rio, Magaloni said, police often use the "resistance to arrest" defense in cases of civilian killings, which has exacerbated the violence problem. In fact, during the late 1990s, the government introduced a "bravery bonus" that financially rewarded police officers if they engaged in shootouts with so-called "criminals." Parts of Rio are known as havens for drug traffickers and criminal gangs.

The bonus program has been terminated, but its effects linger. Magaloni's research revealed that police officers who received such bonuses in the past continue to use more lethal force on the job today.

Cultural and social attitudes play other roles. Forty-two percent of Rio police officers in one of Magaloni's surveys agree with the statement that a "good criminal is a dead criminal."

"Police killings have unfortunately been vindicated by the larger society, which has trivialized violence, especially when this affects black people in the favelas," said Magaloni, who is also the director of the Program on Poverty and Governance for the Center on Democracy, Development, and the Rule of Law at Stanford.

Checking police aggression

Magaloni's team suggests that body-worn cameras, which have been adopted by some U.S. police departments, could help reduce the police-on-civilian killings in Rio de Janeiro. She acknowledges that impediments exist, such as whether police officers will keep the cameras on when interacting with citizens.

As a result, her study will investigate whether it is more effective when police keep their cameras on during their entire shifts or when they only turn them on when interacting with citizens. The study will also explore the most effective protocols for processing images, which Magaloni said is often problematic for police.

"Which videos should be audited and what strategies should commanders and supervisors follow to deliver feedback to police officers?" she noted.

This study involves cameras randomly assigned among police units in Rocinha, Rio's largest slum neighborhood. Launched in late November, it will last between nine and 12 months, she said.

"We seek to evaluate not only if cameras can reduce lethal violent confrontations, but also other forms of violent interactions, including disrespect and aggressions by the police and the community against police officers," said Magaloni.

Finally, in 2016 she plans to begin another project with the Rio police on developing a "scorecard" that identifies the most violent police officers at all levels of their careers and randomly selects a group of these for a cognitive-behavioral intervention to practice impulse control, emotional self-regulation and developing a sense of personal integrity.

"Our research suggests that cultural and psychological factors shape police violence," Magaloni said.

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Abstract:

This paper evaluates the causal impact of Rio de Janeiro’s Pacifying Police Units (UPPs), probably the largest–scale police reform initiative taking place in the developing world. The main goals of the UPPs were: 1) to regain control of territories previously dominated by armed criminal groups; and 2) to improve security for these communities through reduction of lethal violence. In the course of six years, more than 9,000 police officers were permanently assigned to the UPPs, servicing close to half million residents in the city slums (favelas). We are interested in understanding the process through which governments supply a basic public service –the police -- in poor urban neighborhoods that have long been abandoned to the arbitrary rule of non-state armed actors. Moreover, our paper documents Rio de Janeiro’s painful trajectory of police violence, illuminating some of it major institutional facilitators. Painstakingly geo-coding homicides and police killings from 2005 to 2013, we provide answers to some of the most critical questions about police use of lethal force, including the determinants of variations in who is targeted by police repression and how different strategies for policing the slums have impacted police killings. To evaluate the UPP impact on lethal violence, we use a variety of causal identification strategies that leverage spatial and temporal variation in the introduction of the UPP as well as geo-referenced data of more than 22,000 incidents of lethal violence. Our empirical models reveal that the UPP had mixed results. The introduction of the UPPs did not play a significant role in reducing murders in the favelas that were pacified. The UPP’s failure to reduce homicides imply that the poor in the slums continue to be subject to two or three times higher murder rates than the white middle class. Nonetheless, the UPP is breaking long-held practices of extreme use of police lethal violence. Our empirical results convincingly demonstrate that police killings would have been 60 percent larger without the UPP intervention.

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CDDRL Working Papers
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Beatriz Magaloni
Edgar Franco
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