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The U.S.-Israel military aid framework is defined by a 10-year Memorandum of Understanding (MOU) for fiscal years 2019–2028, providing $38 billion ($3.3B annual Foreign Military Financing + $500M annual missile defense). This aid helps fund Israeli defense imports and joint U.S.-Israel projects like the Iron Dome missile defense system, but also provides the U.S. security establishment with unique access to Israeli defense tech. As we near the end of the current MOU, American and Israeli officials have begun discussions over the future of U.S.-Israel military innovation cooperation and financing. Recent developments suggest that the relationship may undergo substantial changes after 2028. The 2026 National Defense Strategy issued by the Pentagon, for example, describes Israel as a "model ally" — a skilled and fiscally responsible partner, bringing substantial national security benefits to the U.S. At the same time, in a recent interview with The Economist, Israeli Prime Minister, Benjamin Netanyahu, declared he intends to wean Israel off U.S. military aid entirely over the next 10 years. What factors influence U.S.-Israel security cooperation and long-term defense finance planning? How might these relations evolve over the coming decade in a world increasingly defined by war and potential great power conflict? Join former U.S. Ambassador to Israel, Daniel Shapiro, for a conversation about these essential questions.

ABOUT THE SPEAKER

Ambassador Daniel B. Shapiro is a distinguished fellow with the Atlantic Council’s Scowcroft Middle East Security Initiative. From 2022 to 2023, he was the Director of the N7 Initiative.

In his most recent government service, Shapiro was Deputy Assistant Secretary of Defense for the Middle East from 2024 to 2025, and prior to that was Senior Adviser on Regional Integration in the State Department’s Bureau of Near Eastern Affairs. He is a former US ambassador to Israel, serving from 2011 to 2017. Prior to his appointment, he worked as senior director for the Middle East and North Africa on the National Security Council at the White House, following his role as senior policy adviser in Barack Obama’s presidential campaign.

From 2001 to 2007, Shapiro worked as legislative director and later as deputy chief of staff for then-U.S. Senator Bill Nelson. From 1999 to 2001, he was director for legislative affairs at the National Security Council, serving as congressional liaison for National Security Adviser Sandy Berger. Shapiro also previously served as a staff member on the House Foreign Affairs Subcommittee on Europe and the Middle East and as a senior foreign policy adviser to US Senator Dianne Feinstein.

Shapiro has served as an adjunct professor at the Georgetown University School of Foreign Service, and in 2007, he was named vice president of Timmons & Company. Shapiro was a distinguished visiting fellow at the Institute for National Security Studies in Tel Aviv from 2017 to 2021. Concurrently, he was a principal at WestExec Advisors.

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Amichai Magen
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Ambassador Daniel Shapiro
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Thursday, May 21. Click for details and registration.

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Liberal order — composed of sovereign statehood, individual rights, democratic government under the rule of law, and economic openness — is under growing pressure around the world. The modern State of Israel was born with, and into, the Liberal International Order (LIO) built under American leadership in the aftermath of the Second World War and has generally thrived in that liberal world. How is Israel experiencing the challenge to liberal order and the erosion (some would say collapse) of the LIO? What shapes the Israeli experience with liberalism and public debate about the strengths and weaknesses of liberal politics? Join us for a conversation about the past, present, and possible futures of liberalism in Israel with political theorist, author, and activist Dr. Tomer Persico.   

ABOUT THE SPEAKER

Dr. Tomer Persico is a Research Fellow at the Shalom Hartman Institute and a Senior Research Scholar at the UC Berkeley Center for Middle Eastern Studies. Persico was the Koret Visiting Assistant Professor at the UC Berkeley Institute for Jewish Law and Israel Studies for three years and has taught for eight years at Tel Aviv University. His fields of expertise include cultural history, the liberal order, Jewish modern identity, contemporary spirituality, and Jewish fundamentalism. His books include The Jewish Meditative Tradition (Hebrew, Tel Aviv University Press, 2016), Liberalism: its Roots, Values and Crises (Hebrew, Dvir, 2024 and German, NZZ Libro, 2025) and In God's Image: How Western Civilization Was Shaped by a Revolutionary Idea (Hebrew, Yedioth,2021, English, NYU Press,2025). Persico is a liberal activist in Israel and has written hundreds of articles on current events for legacy media outlets, including Haaretz and The Washington Post. He lives in Jerusalem with his wife and two sons.

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Amichai Magen
Amichai Magen
Or Rabinowitz

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Tomer Persico
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Thursday, April 16. Click for details and registration.

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G101 – Gunn Building, Stanford Graduate School of Business
655 Knight Way, Stanford

Amit Seru
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George G.C. Parker Professor of Finance and Economics, Stanford Graduate School of Business
Director of the Corporations and Society Initiative, Stanford Graduate School of Business
Director of the Program on Capitalism and Democracy, Center on Democracy, Development and the Rule of Law
Senior Fellow, Stanford Institute for Economic Policy Research
Senior Fellow (by courtesy), Freeman Spogli Institute for International Studies
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Anat R. Admati is the George G.C. Parker Professor of Finance and Economics at Stanford University Graduate School of Business (GSB), a Faculty Director of the GSB Corporations and Society Initiative, and a senior fellow at Stanford Institute for Economic Policy Research. She has written extensively on information dissemination in financial markets, portfolio management, financial contracting, corporate governance and banking. Admati’s current research, teaching and advocacy focus on the complex interactions between business, law, and policy with focus on governance and accountability.

Since 2010, Admati has been active in the policy debate on financial regulations. She is the co-author, with Martin Hellwig, of the award-winning and highly acclaimed book The Bankers’ New Clothes: What’s Wrong with Banking and What to Do about It (Princeton University Press, 2013; bankersnewclothes.com). In 2014, she was named by Time Magazine as one of the 100 most influential people in the world and by Foreign Policy Magazine as among 100 global thinkers.

Admati holds BSc from the Hebrew University, MA, MPhil and PhD from Yale University, and an honorary doctorate from University of Zurich. She is a fellow of the Econometric Society, the recipient of multiple fellowships, research grants, and paper recognition, and is a past board member of the American Finance Association. She has served on a number of editorial boards and is a member of the FDIC’s Systemic Resolution Advisory Committee, a former member of the CFTC’s Market Risk Advisory Committee, and a former visiting scholar at the International Monetary Fund.

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Professors Anat Admati and Amit Seru discuss the current state of institutions, dynamics, and evolving boundaries of authority in economic decision making and banking.

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Existing efforts to promote upward mobility in low-income countries focus on broadening access to education. However, evidence from Ethiopia shows that professional socialisation (learning professional norms) may be a key constraint to this mobility, even among highly educated people.

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Marcel Fafchamps
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In the eleventh century, when Europe was still backward and poor, China was a rich and sophisticated civilization. Yet Europe became the birthplace of democracy and the Industrial Revolution, driving the Great Enrichment, while China stagnated until the end of the twentieth century and was always ruled by autocracies. Two Paths to Prosperity traces the emergence of two very different social organizations in premodern China and Europe — the clan and the corporation — showing how they were key factors in the economic and political divergence of these two great civilizations.

Cover of "Two Paths to Prosperity"

In this landmark book, three leading economists offer a bold new account of why Europe and China evolved along such different trajectories. In the early Middle Ages, public goods like risk sharing, religious worship, education, and conflict resolution were provided by nonstate organizations in both societies. China increasingly relied on kin-based cooperation within clans, while weaker kinship ties in Europe gave rise to corporations such as guilds, universities, and self-governing towns. Despite performing similar functions, clans and corporations were built on very different principles — with lasting consequences until today.

Providing a novel answer to a fundamental question in economic and political history, Two Paths to Prosperity shows how extended kinship in Chinese society facilitated the consolidation of autocracy and hindered innovation and economic development, and how corporations in Europe influenced emerging state institutions and set the stage for the Industrial Revolution.

AWARDS & RECOGNITION

 

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Avner Greif
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Princeton University Press
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We propose an improved theoretically-grounded method to test for efficient risk pooling that allows for intertemporal smoothing, non-homothetic consumption, and heterogeneous risk and time preferences. Applying this method to recent panel data from Indian villages generates important new insights while confirming some earlier findings. Year-to-year smoothing of consumption takes place much more at the village level than at the individual level and occurs primarily through financial assets. While there is proportionally more smoothing of food than non-food consumption, accounting for differences in income elasticities between the two statistically eliminates this difference, indicating that risk pooling does not distort consumption choices in our study area. Finally, we find that consumption smoothing is affected jointly by income and liquid assets, and that there is no excess sensitivity to earned income.

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Journal of Development Economics
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Marcel Fafchamps
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February 2026, 103685
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Overview and Contributions:


In “Profitable Misconduct, Corporate Governance, and Law Enforcement,” Anat R. Admati, Nathan Atkinson, and Paul Pfleiderer show how misconduct, managerial compensation, and enforcement policy are closely — and at times perniciously — related. Corporate misconduct can cause extensive harm, including death, physical and mental injury, and environmental destruction. Profit-maximizing corporations can also harm democracy and the rule of law by impacting both the language and the enforcement of the law. This paper focuses on a situation in which, as is often the case, law enforcement efforts to address corporate misconduct are ineffective. There are many reasons for this situation, including difficulties in monitoring opaque corporations and detecting misconduct, as well as the many ways corporations can limit their liabilities.

The authors show that when managerial compensation aims to motivate maximizing profits for shareholders, managers will generally engage in profitable misconduct and, importantly, that corporations can reduce or nullify the deterrence effects of fines and penalties that target either the corporation or managers directly might have, thus further weakening already insufficient enforcement. They also show that common enforcement policies, such as those that offer discounted fines when corporations self-report misconduct or implement compliance programs, can backfire and exacerbate harm by making misconduct more profitable. Understanding corporations' strategic responses to law enforcement is essential for designing more effective policies to deter misconduct.
 


Understanding corporations' strategic responses to law enforcement is essential for designing more effective policies to deter misconduct.


Corporate Governance, Misconduct, and Law:


The authors begin by discussing why the policing of corporate misconduct is so difficult. One problem arises because corporations are collections of individuals, which renders responsibility diffuse and complicates the identification of perpetrators. Detecting misconduct often depends on highly visible, chance events such as plane crashes, whistle-blowing, or media investigations. When the profits gained from misconduct exceed the expected fines and other financial consequences, executives may view misconduct as a “cost of doing business.” Other problems are due to the difficulties encountered in estimating the extent of the harm and the limitations on the penalties that can be imposed. Even when misconduct is detected, fines often fall short of the corporation’s private gains from that misconduct. In notable cases, corporations can limit the consequences by declaring bankruptcy. It is also very rare for directors and executives to face meaningful criminal liability.

Governments have often been unsuccessful in prosecuting misconduct because of the high legal bar required to show personal intent to commit crimes and the reticence of prosecutors to pursue challenging cases due to career concerns and limited resources, especially relative to the resources corporations can access. As we saw in the financial crisis, authorities often worry about targeting “important” corporations and imposing significant fines and sanctions.
 


Governments have often been unsuccessful in prosecuting misconduct because of the high legal bar required to show personal intent to commit crimes and the reticence of prosecutors to pursue challenging cases due to career concerns and limited resources.


Argument and Implications:


The authors’ mathematical model captures some of the complexities involved in the interactions among corporations, managers, and governments. One of the values of a model is that it can show how well-intentioned and seemingly reasonable policies can be counterproductive once one accounts for various ways profit-maximizing actors will respond. The authors consider, for example, some policies that have been designed to increase the probability that misconduct will be detected in a timely way. These policies encourage corporations to implement “compliance” programs or to self-report misconduct by promising that any fines they must pay will be heavily discounted. Using their model to analyze the effectiveness of this approach, the authors find that these policies can make matters much worse. This is because the discounted fines can increase the profitability of misconduct while it is undetected or not self-reported. This can lead to firms engaging more aggressively in misconduct, knowing that this can be self-reported later, and the corporation will be subject to reduced fines. If corporations strategically take all this into account, the total harm may actually increase. The authors are not contending that these policies will always increase harm, but they are pointing out that these policies are quite likely to be inferior to others that don’t allow strategic responses that can make things worse.

One reason that the fines imposed directly on corporations are often inadequate to deter misconduct is that authorities are reluctant to levy sufficiently large fines because they fear this will lead to “collateral damage” suffered by innocent stakeholders like employees and customers. These concerns are allayed if, instead of corporate-level fines, large fines are imposed on managers. The authors’ model shows that it can be very expensive for shareholders to offset the potential deterrence effects of managerial fines if the only way shareholders can do this is by increasing the manager’s stock-based compensation to make misconduct more rewarding relative to the level of fines. Because it is so expensive for the corporation and shareholders to respond in this way, relying more on managerial fines might be a good policy. Unfortunately, shareholders have much less expensive ways to offset fines on managers — they can indemnify the manager or provide insurance that pays for fines. Essentially, they can simply offset the fines with cash, which is much cheaper. As the authors point out, this suggests that, to strengthen enforcement and deterrence, limitations on corporations' ability to indemnify and insure managers are likely a good way forward.
 


The model shows it can be expensive for shareholders to offset the potential deterrence effects of managerial fines if the only way shareholders can do this is by increasing the manager’s stock-based compensation to make misconduct more rewarding relative to the level of fines.


One of the main lessons of the authors’ analysis is that internal governance practices set by the corporation and its shareholders can profoundly influence the effectiveness of external governance designed to limit the harm created when corporations and their managers engage in profitable misconduct. Further study of these interactions and their implications for effective enforcement policies is clearly warranted.

*Research-in-Brief prepared by Adam Fefer.

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Do individuals contribute to public service provision when others in the community shirk on their taxes? The long-standing literature on conditional cooperation has widely documented a knock-on effect of freeriding. I argue that individuals may turn to civil society as an alternative way to fund public services. First, I leverage a natural experiment in Slovakia, based on the timing of a naming-and-shaming tax policy. Communities exposed to a public disclosure of noncompliance donate 16% more. Second, I replicate this via a survey experiment, showing an increase in charitable giving of 9% as well as eroding faith in the tax system. Highlighting the role of altruism, donations increase the most among respondents who believe their town relies on public services. In a conjoint, treated respondents also preferred public donations, suggesting an additional reputation mechanism. Finally, cross-country survey evidence bolsters external validity, showing a robust correlation between perceived tax cheating and local volunteering.

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American Journal of Political Science
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Simone Paci
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In Nigeria, cash transfers to women increase their desire for agency but only when husbands can't see it — revealing the complex interplay between economic empowerment and social norms.

Women's empowerment remains a central development goal, with policymakers frequently using cash transfer programmes to improve women's status within households (Almås et al. 2018, Duflo 2012, Greco et al. 2025). But do these economic interventions actually change power dynamics, or do they merely shift material outcomes? Our study of married couples in rural Nigeria reveals a surprising answer: cash transfers increase women's desire for decision-making power, but this desire remains hidden.

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Marcel Fafchamps
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