Beginning this fall, I have initiated a
Program on Global Justice at FSI. We are just getting
started, so it strikes me as a good time to explain the
fundamental ideas.
I am a philosopher by training and sensibility, and
as a philosopher, I take my orientation from Immanuel
Kant. Kant said that philosophy addresses three basic
questions: What can we know? What should we do?
And what may we hope for?
The question about hope is the most important.
Philosophy is not about what will be, but about what
could be: It is an exploration of possibilities guided
by the hope that our world can be made more just by
our common efforts.
In our world, 1 billion people are destitute. They live
on less than a dollar a day. They are not imprisoned in
destitution because of their crimes; they are imprisoned
in destitution despite their innocence.
Another 1.5 billion people live only slightly better,
on $1–2 a day. They are able to meet their basic needs,
but they lack fundamental goods. They, too, are not in
poverty because of their crimes. They are in poverty
despite their innocence.
That is how 40 percent of our world lives now.
For some of the poor and destitute, things are
improving. But the extraordinary global distance
between wealthy and poor is growing. The richest 5
percent in the world make 114 times as much as the
bottom 5 percent; 1 percent of the world’s people
make as much as the poorest 57 percent. So the
gap grows and many are left behind. That is morally
unacceptable.
The problem of global injustice is not only economic.
Billions of people are deprived of basic human rights.
And new forms of global governance, through
organizations like the World Trade Organization (WTO),
are making decisions with large consequences for
human welfare. Whether their decisions are good
or bad, they remain largely unaccountable. That, too,
is unacceptable.
Some people say that we should not worry so much
because there is no such thing as global justice. Some
of these skeptics say that justice is an issue only inside
a state. Until there is a global state, they say, there is
no global justice.
Other skeptics are communitarians. They say that
justice only makes sense among people who share a
culture. They say that our diverse global society lacks
the common culture needed to sustain a commitment
to justice.
These statist and communitarian views are misguided
in a world of globalization.
Economically, globalization has made the global
economy a substantial presence in the economic lives
of virtually everyone in the world.
Politically, there are new forms of governance that
operate outside the state. These new forms are especially
important in the arena of economic regulation, but
also have a role in areas of security, labor and product
standards, the environment, and human rights. So
we have new forms of global politics, with important
consequences for human well-being.
Moreover, these new settings of global governance
are the focus of an emerging global civil society of
movements and nongovernmental organizations. In
areas ranging from human rights, to labor standards,
to environmental protection these groups contest the
activities of states and global rule-making bodies.
The skeptical views may have made sense in a
world with more national economic independence, less
governance beyond the state, and more self-contained
national communities. But that is not our world.
What, then, does the project of global justice mean?
In general, it has three elements.
First, we need to ensure the protection of human
rights, and we need a generous understanding of the
scope of human rights. Human rights are about torture
and arbitrary imprisonment, but also about health,
education, and political participation. The point of
human rights is not simply to protect against threats,
but to ensure social membership, to ensure that all
people count for something.
Second, new global rule-making bodies operating
beyond the state raise questions of justice. These bodies,
like the WTO, make rules with important consequences
for human welfare. Global justice is about ensuring
that governance by such bodies is accountable, that
people who are affected are represented, that rulemaking
is transparent. When an organization makes
policies with large consequences for human welfare, it
needs to be held accountable through a fair process.
Third, global justice is about ensuring that everyone
has access to the basic goods—food, health care,
education, clean water, shelter—required for a decent
human life and that when the global economy is moving
forward, no one is left behind.
These three elements of global justice all start from
the idea that each person matters. In short, global
justice is about inclusion: about making sure that no
one is left out.
Some people will say that global justice is a nice idea,
but that it has no real practical importance. They say
that globalization leaves no room for political choices,
that it requires every country to follow the same path.
We must reject this false assertion of necessity.
Some people say that the right choice for global
justice is to increase levels of foreign assistance; some
people say that the right choice is to provide credit for
poor farmers; some people say that right choice is to
empower poor women; some people say that right
choice is to reduce disgusting levels of overconsumption
and agricultural subsidies in rich countries; some people
say that the right choice is to promote a more vibrant
civil society so that people can become agents in creating
their history rather than its victims and supplicants.
Many things are possible. And once we accept that
global justice is a fundamental imperative, and that
political choices are possible, then we come back to
the political tasks in more developed countries. Many
citizens in the advanced economies now experience
globalization as a threat. Many fear that a better life
for billions who are now destitute may mean a worse
life for them.
So global justice is not simply an abstract moral
imperative. Global justice is connected to greater justice
at home. If we leave everything to the market at home,
if we don’t fight for social insurance, education and
health, employment and income, then we can be sure
of an economic nationalist resurgence with all of its
terrible consequences. So the political project of global
justice requires a political project of a more just society
at home.
This unity of justice—this unity of the national and
the global: That is our answer to Kant’s question. That
is what we may hope for. That is what we should strive
to achieve.