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Recent scholarship in the historical political economy of Latin America and the Caribbean seeks to understand social, economic, and political processes as being primarily driven by human agency, shying away from historical predetermination or structural inevitability. Current work considers the possibility of alternative scenarios (counterfactuals), embracing the potential outcomes framework in econometrics, and rigorously testing hypotheses with painstakingly reconstructed historical data. This scholarship traces the hinderances and blockages to development in the past, usually exploring how formal and informal institutions have made historical legacies persistent. In order to further advance in this agenda, I make a plea for researchers to provide a better understanding of the ethnically diverse and heterogeneous makeup of Latin American and Caribbean peoples, tracing their historical origins. I also suggest that future progress will require taking greater care in assessing and reconstructing past units of analysis, away from the emphasis on contemporary nation states or the use of latitude and longitude grids or anachronistic modern local jurisdictions. The paper concludes by considering the long tradition of Latin American Utopias and its survival today.

 

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Chapter from the forthcoming book Roots of Underdevelopment: A New Economic (and Political) History of Latin America and the Caribbean, edited by Felipe Valencia Caicedo.

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Alberto Díaz-Cayeros
Book Publisher
Palgrave, Macmillan
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As a Research Associate, Kim Juárez is managing PovGov's research projects, including an RCT on gender-based violence in Mexico, a lab-in-the-field experiment on corruption at the US-Mexico border, and mapping organized crime presence in all of Mexico's municipalities.

Kim holds a BA in Political Science from the University of Copenhagen and a MA in Latin American Studies, Political Economy Track from Stanford University. Prior to joining POVGOV, Kim worked in the Danish Ministry of Foreign Affairs, the Danish Parliament, and Transparency International.

Research Associate, Poverty, Violence, and Governance Lab
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This article was originally published in The Stanford Daily on August 22, 2022

For nearly two decades, Stanford has played host to what has quietly become one of the most influential pipelines to world leadership. Drawing 32 rising democratic leaders from 26 countries, Stanford’s Center on Democracy, Development and the Rule of Law (CDDRL) takes on a daunting annual task: Help shape the next generation of international decision-makers, many of whom will soon be at the forefront of global change.

Clearly, the program leaders — preeminent political scientists including democracy scholar Larry Diamond ’73 M.A. ’78 Ph.D. ’80, world-renowned political philosopher Francis Fukuyama, law professor Erik Jensen, CDDRL Mosbacher Director Kathryn Stoner, and former United States Ambassador to Russia Michael McFaul M.A. ’86 — are up to the task.

“When you see pictures today of Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy in his bunker in Kyiv, Serhiy Leshchenko is right next to him. He’s one of our graduates,” Fukuyama said.

The Draper Hills Summer Fellows Program is an intensive academic training summit hosted by CDDRL that selects each class of global democratic leaders based on the existing work they have done to promote and protect democratic norms, as well as their potential to create more impact following the training program. 

“It all started in 2005 with Michael McFaul’s audacious idea that we could launch a Summer Fellows Program and try to train and interact with 30 of the brightest, most promising practitioners we could find around the world,” said law professor and Draper Hills lecturer Erik Jensen.

Erik Jensen Draper Hills 2022
Erik Jensen lectures on the rule of law at the Bechtel Conference Center. | Nora Sulots

Since then, Jensen said, the program has grown significantly, thanks to the generous support of Bill Draper and Ingrid von Mangoldt Hills, with even “more faculty who wanted to participate than we could accommodate.”

According to Fukuyama, Draper Hills has become an important forum for training democratic leaders around the world. 

“We try to provide a mixture of practical skills, networking tools and a stronger intellectual foundation so they can think about their future careers to determine the most strategically impactful way they can behave and act in the present,” he said.

In recent years, the program has shifted its focus toward technology, global warming, and poverty, which increasingly figure large roles in the fight for democracy, according to Jensen. Case studies, panels, and guest lectures from international experts fill the fellows’ three weeks on campus.

Outside of their classes in the Bechtel Center, the fellows tour San Francisco landmarks and enjoy group dinners hosted by the core faculty. In previous years, for example, fellows have visited local technology firms like Twitter, Google, and Facebook to explore “how democracies and autocracies can use technology to promote their goals,” Stoner said.

Draper Hills fellows discuss in class
Draper Hills Fellows discuss a case study on Indonesia’s Corruption Eradication Commission. | Nora Sulots

With help from the program, Draper Hills Fellows have consistently become leaders in law, politics, civil society organizations, and international development after graduation, with a growing alumni network of almost 400. Renchinnyam Amarjargalis, the former Prime Minister of Mongolia, was a fellow in 2005, along with other alumni who have risen to international prominence. 

Diamond added that the Foreign Affairs Minister of the government in exile of Myanmar, Zin Mar Aung, is also a former Draper Hills Fellow and has become “one of the most important leaders of the opposition in Burma fighting for democracy.”

The Draper Hills program gives its fellows more confidence and tools to see their work and struggles in a larger context, according to Diamond.

“Once you realize it’s part of a global pattern, you don’t feel that your national situation is quite so cursed,” he said. “You can draw strength from this solidarity and the sharing of experiences.”

Larry Diamond shares field experiences with fellows.
Larry Diamond shares field experiences with fellows. | Nora Sulots

Beyond the three weeks of the program, fellows remain connected to one another through on-campus gatherings, WhatsApp channels, and regional workshops around the world.

“As fellows, we are part of a very great network that always reminds us that, as activists for democracy and human rights, we are not alone,” said former Peruvian Minister of Education and current Draper Hills Fellow Daniel Alfaro. “There are others like us who are great fighters.” 

Participants, many of whom are already rising leaders in international democratic movements, are starting to see how valuable the program will be for their future work.

“Draper Hills has already expanded my horizons in terms of the roles that I can play in Mexican society to promote change, and provided many important allies and a network that can support these changes,” said current fellow Mariela Saldivar Villalobos, a Mexican activist and politician. “I feel deeply honored to have this opportunity. And I hope one day, Stanford will feel proud of investing its time and talent in me.”

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Draper Hills Class of 2022
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Meet the 2022 Draper Hills Summer Fellows

Fellows will arrive at Stanford at the end of July to begin the three-week training program that provides a forum for civil society leaders to exchange experiences and receive academic and policy training to enrich their knowledge and advance their work.
Meet the 2022 Draper Hills Summer Fellows
Some of the original Ukrainian alumni from the Draper Hills Summer Fellowship gather in Kyiv in 2013.
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A History of Unity: A Look at FSI’s Special Relationship with Ukraine

Since 2005, the Freeman Spogli Institute for International Studies has cultivated rich academic ties and friendships with Ukrainian scholars and civic leaders as part of our mission to support democracy and development domestically and abroad.
A History of Unity: A Look at FSI’s Special Relationship with Ukraine
Screenshot of Draper Hills 2021 opening session
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Global Democracy Leaders Gather Virtually for the 2021 Draper Hills Summer Fellowship

For the next two weeks, Fellows will participate in workshops led by an interdisciplinary team of faculty to study new theories and approaches to democratic development.
Global Democracy Leaders Gather Virtually for the 2021 Draper Hills Summer Fellowship
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Larry Diamond, Kathryn Stoner, Erik Jensen and Francis Fukuyama at the opening session of the 2022 Draper Hills Fellows Program
Larry Diamond, Kathryn Stoner, Erik Jensen and Francis Fukuyama at the opening session of the 2022 Draper Hills Fellows Program.
Nora Sulots
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The Draper Hills Summer Fellows Program reconvened in person for the first time, bringing budding leaders together with the world’s most influential democracy scholars.

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CDDRL Honors Student, 2022-23
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Major: International Relations
Minor: Human Rights
Hometown: Vernon Hills, IL
Thesis Advisor: Paul Wise

Tentative Thesis Title: The Impacts of COVID-19 Pandemic Response Policies on Migrant Families on the U.S.-Mexico Border

Future aspirations post-Stanford: I plan to pursue a graduate degree abroad and later attend law school to become a human rights or immigration lawyer.

A fun fact about yourself:  A huge part of my Stanford experience has been singing in an A Cappella group - Mixed Company!

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CDDRL Honors Student, 2021-22
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Major: Political Science   
Minor: Economics
Hometown: Cozumel, Mexico
Thesis Advisor: James Fearon

Tentative Thesis Title: Making Friends with the Enemy: A Study of Cooperation Between Drug Cartels and Local Politicians in Mexico

Future aspirations post-Stanford: After Stanford, I hope to pursue a PhD in political science focusing on Latin American politics and Economic development. My dream is to return to my home country of Mexico and help create a better future for all my fellow citizens. I am unsure whether this would be through academia, journalism, or public office, but I am excited to see what the future holds. Above all, I hope to follow the footsteps of academics and reporters who have devoted their lives to improving conditions in Latin America.

A fun fact about yourself: I am obsessed with the Nobel Prize in Literature. I can name half of the people who have won the award at the top of my head and in my free time, I always read as many laureates as I can (currently at 40 out of 117).

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It is well-established that the Conquest of the Americas by Europeans led to catastrophic declines in indigenous populations. However, less is known about the conditions under which indigenous communities were able to overcome the onslaught of disease and violence that they faced. Drawing upon a rich set of sources, including Aztec tribute rolls and early Conquest censuses (chiefly the Suma de Visitas (1548)), we develop a new disaggregated dataset on pre-Conquest economic, epidemiological and political conditions both in 11,888 potential settlement locations in the historic core of Mexico and in 1,093 actual Conquest-era city-settlements. Of these 1,093 settlements, we show that 36% had disappeared entirely by 1790. Yet, despite being subject to Conquest-era violence, subsequent coercion and multiple pandemics that led average populations in those settlements to fall from 2,377 to 128 by 1646, 13% would still end the colonial era larger than they started. We show that both indigenous settlement survival durations and population levels through the colonial period are robustly predicted, not just by Spanish settler choices or by their diseases, but also by the extent to which indigenous communities could themselves leverage nonreplicable and nonexpropriable resources and skills from the pre-Hispanic period that would prove complementary to global trade. Thus indigenous opportunities and agency played important roles in shaping their own resilience.

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In a new paper for the Journal of Historical Political Economy, Alberto Diaz-Cayeros and Saumitra Jha examine the conditions under which indigenous communities in Mexico were able to overcome the onslaught of disease and violence that they faced.

Journal Publisher
Journal of Historical Political Economy
Authors
Alberto Díaz-Cayeros
Saumitra Jha
Number
No. 1, pp 89-133
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How can societies restrain their coercive institutions and transition to a more humane criminal justice system? We argue that two main factors explain why torture can persist as a generalized practice even in democratic societies: weak procedural protections and the militarization of policing, which introduces strategies, equipment, and mentality that treats criminal suspects as though they were enemies in wartime. Using a large survey of the Mexican prison population and leveraging the date and place of arrest, this paper provides causal evidence about how these two explanatory variables shape police brutality. Our paper offers a grim picture of the survival of authoritarian policing practices in democracies. It also provides novel evidence of the extent to which the abolition of inquisitorial criminal justice institutions—a remnant of colonial legacies and a common trend in the region—has worked to restrain police brutality.

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American Political Science Review
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Beatriz Magaloni
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Issue 4
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A criminal trial is likely the most significant interaction a citizen will ever have with the state; its conduct and adherence to norms of fairness bear directly on the quality of government, extent of democratic consolidation, and human rights. While theories of repression tend to focus on the political incentives to transgress against human rights, we examine a case in which the institutionalization of such violations follows an organizational logic rather than the political logic of regime survival or consolidation. We exploit a survey of the Mexican prison population and the implementation of reforms of the justice system to assess how reforms to criminal procedure reduce torture. We demonstrate that democratization produced a temporary decline in torture which then increased with the onset of the Drug War and militarization of security. Our results show that democracy alone is insufficient to restrain torture unless it is accompanied by institutionalized protections.

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Beatriz Magaloni
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What works in preventing and reducing violence among youth? This report draws on the global evidence base of evaluations of existing interventions designed to reduce or prevent violence and identifies those with the greatest evidence of effectiveness. We find six types of interventions for which there is strong evidence of effectiveness in preventing at-risk individuals and offenders from engaging in criminal and violent behavior—cognitive behavioral therapy, multidimensional therapy, drug courts and drug addiction treatment, focused deterrence, controls on the sale and abuse of alcohol, and hot spots policing. A much broader range of interventions have shown less conclusive proof of effectiveness—either because they have not been rigorously evaluated or because evaluations have yielded mixed results. In these cases, we identify the mechanisms that may lie behind potential success and explore how these might be extracted to promote innovative pilots in the Mexican context.

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White Papers
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Beatriz Magaloni
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Can ethnically distinct communities ruled through “traditional” assemblies provide public goods and services better, than when they are ruled by leaders elected through “modern” multiparty elections? We exploit a unique institutional feature in the state of Oaxaca, Mexico, where municipalities are ruled by traditional governance institutions, to explore the effect of these forms of governance on the provision of public goods. Using locality-level census data, we study the provision of local public goods through a geographic discontinuity approach. We demonstrate that communities ruled by traditional governance practices offer more effective provision of local public goods than equally poor communities ruled by political parties. Relying on qualitative fieldwork and household surveys, we argue that the significant differences in the provision of public goods according to governance regime derive from community practices that solve collective action problems, enhance citizen participation in public decisions, and restrain elite capture.

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Beatriz Magaloni
Alberto Díaz-Cayeros
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