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Rotimi Suberu is a professor of political science at the University of Ibadan, where he has taught since 1986. He is currently Senior Fellow, Jennings Randolph Fellowship Program at the United States Institute of Peace. Suberu has served as a consultant to the Nigerian government, and the EU delegation to Abuja as well as to the National Democratic Institute and National Endowment for Democracy. He recently led a research project on ethnic and federal studies funded by the Ford Foundation. His publications include Federalism and Ethnic Conflict in Nigeria (USIP Press, 2001); Ethnic Minority Conflicts and Governance in Nigeria, (Spectrum Books [Ibadan], 2003); Public Policies and National Unity in Nigeria (Development Policy Center [Ibadan], 1999).

Suberu has won fellowships and visiting positions from the Woodrow Wilson International Center for Scholars, the University of Pennsylvania, Northwestern University, New Delhi's Center for the Study of Developing Societies, and from the U.S. Institute of Peace. He holds an M.S. and Ph.D. in political science from the University of Ibadan, Nigeria.

This event is co-sponsored by the Center for African Studies at Stanford.

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Rotimi Suberu Professor of Political Science Speaker University of Ibadan, Nigeria
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Ambassador Bernardo Alvarez, formerly Vice Minister of Hydrocarbons in the Ministry of Energy and Mines, is also Professor in the School of Political and Adminstrative Studies at the Universidad Central de Venezuela.In addition to his previous positions in the Ministry of Energy and Mines, he is currently the Venezuelan Representative to the Energy Council of the U.S. and has coordinated different international agreements with the U.S. Department of Energy, the French Energy Task Force, and the Conferences of Ministers of OPEC. He served as Deputy of the National Congress of Venezuela from 1994-1999.

This event is co-sponsored by the Woods Institute for the Environment, The Progam for Energy and Sustainable Development, and the Center for Latin American Studies.

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Bernardo Alvarez Ambassador of the Bolivarian Republic of Venezuela to the United States Speaker
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Michael A. McFaul
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Michael McFaul discusses the potential for cooperation between the United States and Russia, emphasizing that in the aftermath of the September 11th attacks, Russia is in a unique position to partner with the United States. The author warns that any partnership will depend on Russia's continued democratic development and that the U.S. leadership must continue to support democratic consolidation in Russia.

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Michael A. McFaul
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Michael A. McFaul - To make his case, [Bush] has a powerful historical experience to draw upon: the end of the Cold War. Regime change in Eastern Europe and the Soviet Union fundamentally enhanced American national security. If Iraq possessed Russia's nuclear arsenal today, the United States would be in grave danger. Two decades ago we feared this same arsenal in the hands of the Kremlin. Today we do not. The reason we do not is that the regime in Russia has become more democratic and market-oriented and therefore also more Western- oriented.
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Michael A. McFaul
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Only a few weeks ago, Russia was one of the most downtrodden and detested countries in the eyes of Washington's elite. One could not utter the word "Russia" without adding adjectives such as "crime- ridden," "collapsing" or "corrupt." Russia was considered a basket case of a country that had failed at capitalism and democracy and was soon to fail as a state. Russia's reputation in the United States was so bad that Russian businesspeople began courting American public relations firms to help rectify Russia's image.

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Michael A. McFaul
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With the United States fixated on crime and corruption in Russia, Russians obsess about two other dramas: upcoming parliamentary elections and the war in the Caucasus region. The first drama might well have a happy ending, rare for Russian dramas these days. The second is almost certainly a tragedy in the making. Worse, the war in the Caucasus may eventually subsume elections altogether, resulting in their cancellation, civil resistance and even civil war. Before such a scenario gains more momentum, U.S. officials should look beyond Russian corruption and do what they can to lower the probability of democratic collapse in Russia.

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Michael A. McFaul
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According to conventional wisdom, the United States "lost" Russia in the 1990s. This

assessment can be found on the pages of The Nation, The Washington Times, The New

York Times magazine, or foreign policy issue papers prepared for presidential candidate

George W. Bush. These attacks fall into two contradictory categories. One school holds

that the policies pursued by the United States over the last decade have failed to establish capitalism and democracy in Russia, and instead have fueled corruption, crime, and ill will towards the United States. The other school argues that the United States was wrong to try to engineer domestic change within Russia in the first place.

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Michael A. McFaul
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When presidents Bill Clinton and Boris Yeltsin meet in Moscow next month, issues such as

START II, NATO expansion, trade with Iran and Iraq, and Russia's new draconian law on

religion are likely to dominate the agenda. To historians of US-Soviet relations, this agenda

should sound familiar as arms control, European security, regional conflicts, and human rights were the main components of most summit agendas between the United States and the Soviet Union during the Cold War. This old agenda suggests that the promise of a new post-communist strategic partnership between the United States and Russia has not been realized. Especially as Russia continues to struggle in reforming its economy, many in the US have now concluded that engagement with this "basket case" is not worth the trouble--better to walk away from the failing project of internal reform and prepare instead to contain future external aggression.

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