No living political scientist or sociologist is more frequently cited by other scholars than Seymour Martin Lipset. He is one of the most prolific social scientists of this century--the author (or co-author) of 21 books and the editor (or co-editor) of 25 more. Lipset's influential Political Man has been published in 16 countries, including Israel, Japan, Vietnam, and Yugoslavia. Now, in this comprehensive and well-integrated selection of essays, an all-star cast pays tribute to Lipset's scholarship by exploring his core theme: the conditions, problems, dynamics, values, and institutions of democracy, both in the United States and comparatively throughout the world. Reexamining Democracy--like Lipset's own wide-ranging intellectual work--is devoted to rethinking the character and development of democracy in America and beyond. With the ongoing resurgence of democracy in the world and the faltering performances of many established democracies acting as an ironic backdrop, this collection of diverse thought offers fascinating perspectives on an ever potent and compelling social force.

"Economic Development and Democracy Reconsidered" also reprinted in American Behavioral Scientist, Vol. 35 (March/June 1992), pp. 450-499, and in Spanish in Estudios Publicos, no. 49, 1993)

The war in El Salvador is over. On January 16, 1992, in Mexico Citys ornate Chapultepec Castle the government of President Alfredo Cristiani and the rebel Farabundo Martí National Liberation Front (FMLN) formally signed a comprehensive peace treaty, putting an end to 12 years of conflict.

As 1992 began, the scene of Americas most prolonged military involvement since Vietnam presented images unimaginable just a few months before. In Mexico City, after unexpectedly signing the peace agreement in person, President Cristiani strode across the podium to shake hands with all five FMLN commanders as participants on both sides cried openly. In El Salvador a sea of FMLN flags filled San Salvadors Civic Plaza in front of the Metropolitan Cathedral, where the army once massacred political dissidents; the cathedral itself was draped with an enormous banner of the assassinated Archbishop Oscar Arnulfo Romero. A ceremony held to observe the commencement of the formal ceasefire was especially poignant: army officers and rebel commanders stood together at attention to sing the Salvadoran anthem on a dais decorated with the flags of El Salvador, the ruling Nationalist Republican Alliance (ARENA) and the FMLN. The rival commandants then accompanied President Cristiani to light an eternal flame in commemoration of the more than 75,000 Salvadorans who died in the tiny countrys war.

The American policy of assisting "freedom fighters" in their struggle against "Marxist" regimes in the Third World- the so-called Reagan Doctrine- represents one of the most significant foreign policy innovations of the Reagan presidency. By the close of the Reagan administration, the policy appeared to have achieved sweeping results in forcing communism to retreat in Afghanistan, Angola, and Kampuchea. Proponents of the policy have attributed the 1988 peace settlement between Angola, Cuba, and South Africa, and subsequent discussions on Angolan national reconciliation, to the Reagan doctrine"s success.

In Volume 3 of the four-volume Democracy in Developing Countries, the authors follow a common analytical framework to trace the experiences with democratic and authoritarian rule and assess the underlying causes of democratic success and failure in ten Asian countries. Volumes 2 and 4 of the set cover Africa and Latin America. In Volume 1, Professors Diamond, Linz, and Lipset weigh the evidence from these case studies together with a wealth of other theoretical and comparative literature to present a comprehensive theory of the social, cultural, economic, and political factors that foster stable democracy. Eschewing reductionist and monocausal interpretations, they emphasize the interplay between constitutional and party structure, ethnic conflict, socioeconomic change, international constraints, political values and beliefs, and the behaviors, choices, and policies of political leaders. Both the case studies and the theoretical conclusions draw new attention to the relationship between state and society and the autonomy and vitality of social interest groups as important determinants of the democratic prospect.

The argument is advanced that the level of university student political activity in a society tends to reflect the degree to which the student social status is developed and formulated as a social type. In societies in which this position is incorporated centrally and is given a great deal of distinctive meaning, political activity will tend to be high. This is particularly true when the student status is normatively incorporated in, regulated by, and given meaning with respect to the national political system. The educational system and the student status tend to be centrally incorporated and highly defined in modern societies because they provide normative and symbolic answers to certain crucial problems which arise in the nation-building process: the justification of the intergration and political authority of citizens and the legitimation and explanation of elite authority. Thus, students tend to be seen in most nations as a peculiarly important corporate constituent of the national society and tend to be more politically active than many other groups. The historically exceptional position of students in the United States and the recent changes toward a more typical level of politicization are considered.