Over the past decade, the rise of youth movements applying nonviolent methods of resistance against autocratic incumbents occurred in the post-Soviet region. This protest cycle was set in motion by the spectacular mobilization of Serbia's social movement Otpor against Slobodan Milosevic in 2000. Similarly, Ukraine's Pora in 2004 and, to a lesser extent, Georgia's Kmara in 2003 mobilized large numbers of young people to demand political change in the aftermath of fraudulent elections.
Civil war is very common in the developing world, with harmful welfare effects when it occurs. Many fear that the devastation wrought by violent conflict destroys social capital, impedes economic development, and leads to the recurrence of violence (Paul Collier et al. 2003).
Russia today is best characterized as an over-managed democracy, where elites pay lip service to democratic norms while actively working to undermine them. This model of governance was shaped during Vladimir Putin's first term in office; faced with a choice between strengthening the democratic elements introduced by former President Yeltsin or tightening state control of the political, economic, and societal sectors, the Kremlin opted for the latter.
Given the dramatic change in Russia's economic circumstances a year after Medvedev's ascendancy to president and Putin's move to the office of prime minister, now is a particularly appropriate time to evaluate the political causes and effects of Russia's latest economic troubles. This article surveys Putin's economic legacy in Russi and argues that despite eight years of rapid growth, by the first quarter of 2009, Russia became caught in the same cycle of problems that it suffered in the 1990's when growth was negative, unemployment and inflation were high, and oil export prices were low.
How do citizens in developing countries access public services? Scholars study this question by emphasizing the role of government, measuring government performance as household access to public services, such as clean water and sanitation. However, we argue that the state does not hold a monopoly on provision of such utilities: citizens in developing countries often turn to nonstate providers for basic utilities. In Mexico, we find that direct money transfers from migrants, known as remittances, are used to provide household access to public services.
Born in the aftermath of both the terrorist attacks of September 11, 2001, and the Palestinian-Israeli war which had begun in late 2000 (commonly known as the “second intifada”), the Arab Peace Initiative (API) of 2002 has moved front and center in Middle Eastern diplomacy. It is likely that President Barack Obama and the Quartet (the U.S., EU, UN, and Russia) may take up the API in some form. With that in mind, the Jerusalem Center presents this study, with background, a contextual and textual analysis, and a discussion of future prospects. It concludes with recommendations
Just as political comparativists have tended to screen out international factors, international relations theorists and international lawyers concentrate on international outcomes and have been under-prepared to research causal linkages between international agents and domestic actors. Researching external dimensions of democratization, moreover, must involve the insights of both academics and practitioners. Yet the separation between the two worlds remains profound.
The forces that attempted to create democracy in Iran a hundred years ago are have only grown and become more experienced in the language and logic of democracy. The hitherto unrealized dream of democracy lives on. The abducted revolution of 1979 has only delayed the quest for democracy, but not destroyed it. International forces, acting with prudence and patience can be a crucial ally of Iranian democrats in what has so far seemed like a Sisyphean struggle.
Before the democracy promotion efforts of Iraq or Afghanistan in the early 21st century, there was the Soviet Union in the late 20th century. For much longer, and with much greater capacity than Saddam Hussein’s regime or the Taliban, the Soviet regime threatened the United States. The destruction of the Soviet regime and the construction of a pro-Western, democratic regime in its place, therefore, was a major objective of American foreign policy. Some presidents pursued this goal more vigorously than others: Nixon cared less, Reagan rather more.
(Excerpt) In 1987, Slobodan Milosevic showed promise as a modern liberator. The former Yugoslav communist apparatchik turned national protagonist rose to power swiftly, enjoyed immense initial support and ultimately retained the authority he achieved with violence, xenophobic propaganda, patronage and misappropriation of the country's wealth as his popularity declined. He ruled as Yugoslavia's constituent republics devolved into separate nations, through four wars and a NATO bombing campaign that pitted his regime against the West.
The impact of intellectual property laws on national economic development is complex and poorly understood. With limited success, studies have attempted to analyze the degree to which intellectual property protection and enforcement spurs development and the point at which it ceases to contribute, or worse, hinders development.
Theorists of new institutional economics are often accused of treating formal property rights institutions as a silver bullet for solving problems of economic growth, political development, and particular cultures' successes. Yet the establishment of rights to property does not guarantee control over property. The relationship between formal property rights and economic development is unclear when legal rights to property are distinct from the informal capacity to control property. I consider formal institutions to be a set of rules with legal enforcement.
Corporate governance reform is a global phenomenon sweeping through the US, Europe, China, Korea, India, Latin America and many other places. These reforms have been accompanied by a surge in corporate governance scholarship focused on emerging markets. This research suggests, although not uniformly, that "better" corporate law and governance tend to be correlated with better stock market development, more dispersed ownership structures, and higher firm profitability, amongst other things.
This paper summarizes and extends my earlier critique (Bhattacharjea, 2006) of the empirical literature on labour regulation and industrial performance in India. I now focus only on the impact of legal restrictions on temporary layoff, permanent retrenchment and plant closures. After summarizing my earlier paper, I describe in detail the variability of employment protection regimes across Indian states attributable to court judgments, a key factor which other authors have ignored.
Various forms of sabotage and corruption that stem from workers' inability to voice their discontent at perceived injustices any other way have cost the Soviet and post- Soviet societies dearly. Under what circumstances are workers ready to take overt action against perceived injustices against themselves and the interests of their colleagues?
Building on Gough and Wood et al. (2004), Wood and Gough et al. (2004) and Abu Sharkh (2006), this article extends and tests the regime concept originally popularized by Esping Andersen (1990) geographically, conceptually, temporally and methodologically.
This paper considers the links between the extent of economic security and subjective work satisfaction. Special attention is paid to the effects of individually and collectively traumatizing events as well as relative gains and losses. These are aspects of “well-being” that have attracted relatively little empirical research in developing countries. Individually traumatizing events depress work satisfaction more strongly than collective catastrophes. The data also suggests that the predominant focus on income in developing countries is too narrow.
This paper tests the claim that a small number of distinct „welfare regimes,
combining institutional patterns and social welfare outcomes, can be identified
across the developing world. It develops a methodology for clustering a large
number of developing countries, identifying and ranking their welfare regimes,
assessing their stability over the decade 1990-2000, and relating these to important
structural variables. It identifies three meta-welfare regimes: proto-welfare state